^^"^ p CORNELL
S7^ UNlVERSm
^^ LIBRARY
All books are subject to recall after two weeks.
Olin/Kroch Library
DATE DUE
._jr«**'
JANZ-
M^C^
I AMMA
yP
GAYLORD
PRINTED IN USA
Cornell University Library
DU 397.5.S74
Native tribes of the Northern Terrltoi
3 1924 028 623 076
The original of tliis bool< is in
tlie Cornell University Library.
There are no known copyright restrictions in
the United States on the use of the text.
http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028623076
NATIVE TRIBES OF
THE NORTHERN TERRITORY
OF AUSTRALIA
MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited
LONDON . BOMBAY . CALCUTTA
MELBOUKNE
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
NEW YORK . BOSTON . CHICAGO
DALLAS . SAN FRANCISCO
THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD.
TORONTO
NATIVE TRIBES
OF THE
NORTHERN TERRITORY
OF
AUSTRALIA
m
BALDWIN SPENCER
C.M.G., M.A., F.R.S., Hon. D.Sc. {Man.) ; ^
Late Fellow of Lincoln College ; Hon. Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford ;
Professor of Biology in the University of Melbourne ;
Special Cotnfnissioner for Aboriginals in the Northern Territory
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON
1914
'^Z
^,,Hfo^'P'^
COPYRIGHT
9
/u^ &Jn.J /^^ '^-
/u jkitei^fv^
^
V
TO THE MEMORY
OF MY FRIEND
FRANK J. GILLEN
X
PREFACE
In 191 1 the Commonwealth Government sent a small
scientific commission to the Northern Territory to make a
preliminary survey of the country. The party consisted
of Dr. J. A. Gilruth, Dr. Anton Breiul, Dr. W. G.
Woolnough, and myself. The time at our disposal was
short and the work that we did was naturally, more or less,
of an introductory nature, indicating lines of research that
might be followed up, with advantage, in the future.
Towards the end of the same year I was asked by the
late Mr. Batchelor, then Minister for External Affairs, to
return to the Territory for a period of twelve months as
Special Commissioner for Aboriginals and Chief Protector
in charge of the Department that the Government had
instituted to safeguard the interests of the aboriginal
population.
The Council of the University granted me the necessary
leave of absence, and accordingly I left Melbourne on
December 25th, 191 1, and Darwin, again, on December
25th, 1912.
A very considerable part of my time was occupied in
routine work, and, unfortunately, owing to an accident
which, temporarily, rendered me unable to walk, T lost two
months of valuable time during the dry season. I was,
however, able to do some work amongst tribes, with regard
viii PREFACE
to the customs, organisation, and beliefs of which little has
been known hitherto. The present volume contains the
scientific results of my work, expanding and, in some
points, correcting my preliminary report, which it
supersedes.^
In 191 1, in company with Dr. Gilruth, now Adminis-
trator of the Territory, I had visited Melville Island,
where, thanks to the assistance of Mr. R. J. Cooper, who
has lived amongst the natives for long, knows them, and
is entirely trusted by them, we were able to see and learn
something of their customs. These were so interesting that
I was very anxious to be able to spend more time amongst
them and gladly availed myself of the oiFer of Mr. Cooper
to assist me in gaining some further knowledge of these
interesting people. I went across to Melville and Bathurst
Islands in March, 191 2, and spent six weeks there, during
which time I was fortunate enough to see one of their
most important ceremonies, connected with the initiation
of the young men. It was the monsoonal period and we
had a decidedly wet time, but it was intensely interesting,
and I am deeply indebted to Mr. Cooper for his help,
without which I could have done but little amongst these
natives. It is not too much to say that it is due to him
that white men can now land, with impunity, on Melville
and Bathurst Islands.
At a later period, in December, 19 12, I revisited
Bathurst Island, in company with Mr. P. Cahill, and had the
opportunity of again witnessing the weird, wild burial and
1 A short preliminary account was published in the " Bulletin of the
Northern Territory," No. 2, April, 1912. In May, 1913, I presented to
the Commonwealth Government a further " Preliminary Report on the
Aboriginals of the Northern Territory,'' containing recommendations
concerning the general policy to be pursued in regard to them. This
was also published in the "Report of the Administrator for the year
1912," issued in October, 1913.
PREFACE ix
mourning ceremonies of the natives and of obtaining both
cinematograph and phonograph records of them,
A motor trip during the months of August and
September, in company with Dr. Gilruth, who had mean-
while been appointed Administrator of the Territory,
enabled me to see something of the conditions under which
the natives were living in a wide area of the country,
extending as far southwards from Darwin as Newcastle
Waters, and as far east as the Gulf of Carpentaria. Our
trip was, of necessity, too hurried to enable me to do any
serious work amongst the natives, but, as we were in
contact with tribes, either identical with, or very closely
similar in regard to their customs, organisation, and beliefs,
to others, such as the Mara, Mungarai, Binbinga, and
Anula, which had previously been investigated by
Mr. Gillen and myself, this was not a matter of great
importance and I was glad of the opportunity that the trip
afforded me of taking a general survey of the country and
aboriginals.
It is only possible to study the latter seriously when
camped amongst them quietly for some time. I was,
fortunately, able to do this in the case of the Kakadu
Tribe, in connection with which my most interesting results
were obtained. I secured these only in consequence of
the whole-hearted co-operation of Mr. P. Cahill in my
work, during the time that I spent as the guest of himself
and Mrs. Cahill in their delightful home at Oenpelli, far
out in the wilds on the East Alligator River. Mr. Cahill
has had long experience of the Kakadu and other tribes,
talks their language, and has won their complete confidence.
He most generously placed his time and knowledge at my
disposal and, thanks to him, I was able to gain considerable
insight into the sacred beliefs of the Kakadu people. I am
also much indebted to him for most valuable assistance at
X PREFACE
a subsequent time, when we travelled together to the Flora
River and came into contact with natives of the Mudburra
and Waduman tribes, for the opportunity of meeting whom
I am largely indebted to my friends Mr. and Mrs. Pearce,
of Willeroo Station.
Amongst all the tribes, 1 have found it of very great
advantage to be able to show them that T am well
acquainted with the customs and secret matters of other
tribes. As soon as they understand this, it is wonderful
how they open up, and it is, also, equally remarkable how
completely they close in the presence of anyone who is
uncongenial to them.
It is perhaps advisable to say once more that both the
late Mr. Gillen and myself were regarded as fully initiated
members of the Arunta tribe, which is now, unfortunately,
decimated in numbers and hopelessly degenerate in customs.
In conclusion, I have to express my thanks to the many
other friends who have helped me in various ways. To
the Administrator of the Northern Territory and Mrs.
Gilruth I am deeply indebted for their most generous
assistance and personal help in ways too numerous to
mention. To the Hon. J. Thomas, Minister for External
AiFairs, during the period that I spent in the Territory, I
am indebted for cordial interest and assistance in my work,
as also to Atlee Hunt, Esq., Secretary for External Affairs.
In travelling over the Territory I met, as everyone
always does, with the greatest kindness and courtesy at the
hands of the ie.w scattered station holders and the officials
on the Telegraph line.
Lastly, I wish to thank my publishers for the very
courteous and generous way in which they have acceded to
what, I fear, must have appeared my rather extravagant
desires in regard to the publication, and more especially
the illustration of this and previous works. These
PREFACE xi
illustrations, however, better than many pages of descrip-
tion, will serve to give an idea of the stage of culture and
manner of life of a primitive and fast-disappearing race.
It is with deep regret that I am unable to associate with
my own, as co-author of this work, the name of F. J. Gillen,
to whom, because of his untiring, enthusiastic, and
sympathetic study of the natives, whom he knew and
understood, every student of Australian anthropology, and
myself most of all, owes a great debt of gratitude and
admiration.
Melbourne,
February, 1 9 14.
NOTE
I AM indebted to the courtesy of the Hon. the
Minister for External AfFairs for permission to use
Figs. 4, 7, II, and 12, and to Dr. Anton Breiul for
Fig. I 8a. The remaining Figures of scenery and cere-
monies are all reproduced from my own negatives. I am
very much indebted to Mr. R. H. Walcott, curator of the
Ethnological Museum, Melbourne, for the great amount
of trouble that he has taken in the preparation of the
photographs illustrating the chapters dealing with
Weapons, Implements, and Decorative Art. All the
specimens figured in this work are in the National
Museum, Melbourne.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
, PAGE
INTRODUCTION I
CHAPTER II
SOCIAL ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS ... 42
CHAPTER III
INITIATION CEREMONIES 88
CHAPTER IV
TOTEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS 177
CHAPTER V
SACRED STICKS, BULL-ROARERS, AND CEREMONIAL OBJECTS . 2IO
CHAPTER VI
BURIAL AND MOURNING CEREMONIES 228
CHAPTER VII
MAGIC AND MEDICINE 257
CHAPTER VIII
BELIEFS IN REGARD TO THE ORIGIN OF CHILDREN . . . 263
XVI CONTENTS
CHAPTER IX
PAGE
TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, THE GREAT ANCESTOR,
AND ALSO OTHER ANCESTORS OF THE KAKADU NATION . 275
CHAPTER X
VARIOUS TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS . . . -313
CHAPTER XI
FOOD RESTRICTIONS 342
CHAPTER XII
WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 352
CHAPTER XIII
CLOTHING AND ORNAMENT 40I
CHAPTER XIV
DECORATIVE ART . 407
APPENDIX ... . . 441
GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS 485
INDEX . ... ... 503
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FIGURES
FIG. Facing page
I. — Open Forest Land near Daly Waters. Typical Central
Australian Country ... . . 3
2. — Ant Hill Country, near Pine Creek 3
3. — Downs Country . .... Behveen pp. 4-5
4. —Daly River „ 4-5
5. — Rocky Bar and Reach on the Flora River „ 4-5
6. — A Lily Water Pool ... ... „ 4-5
7. — Swamp Jungle, Melville Island ... „ 4-5
8. — Two Kakadu Men . „ 6-7
9. — Geimbio Family, Man with Six Wives . . „ 6-7
10. — Two Kakadu Women .... „ 6-7
II. — Group of Women of Mulluk Mulluk Tribe „ 6-7
12. — Group of Port Essington Natives on Board
Cooper's Lugger, in Apsley Straits . . „ 6-7
13. — Group of Older Men in Characteristic Atti-
tudes. Melville Island „ 6-7
14. — Two Melville Island Men. Back View, showing Cicatrices . 8
1 5. — Two Melville Island Men. Front View, showing Cicatrices 8
16.— Bathurst Island Man with Head Decorated. Side View . 9
17. — Bathurst Island Man with Head Decorated. Front View . 9
18. — Melville Island Man whose Leg was Bitten off by a Crocodile 10
i8A.-Larakia Woman with Joint of Index Finger Cut Off . 10
19. — Lubras Cooking. Waduman Tribe 27
20. — Man Killing Snake. Kakadu Tribe ...
21. — Native Cooking Oven, showing the Stones that are Heated,
They are in the Shade at the right hand side
22. — Stringy-Bark Mia Mia, with Man, Woman and Child
Melville Island . . . . 29
23. — Young Child Deserted and left in Camp. Melville Island 29
24. — Skeleton of Mosquito Mia Mia. Roper River . . 31
25. — Mosquito Mia Mia. Roper River . 31
26. — Buffalo Corrobboree. Melville Island ... 33
27. — Buffalo Corrobboree. Melville Island ... 34
28. — End of Corrobboree. Melville Island . . .34
Map showing Distribution of Local Groups on Melville and
Bathurst Islands ... . . Pag^ 44
29. — Procession of Decorated Men through the Forest, during the
Yam Ceremony. Melville Island ... .94
30. — The Ceremonial Ground during the Yam Ceremony . 96
31. — The Three Men bending down are holding the Marukumana
Boys' Heads in Baskets under the Water ... 99
32. — Special Fire built on the Ceremonial Ground to roast the
Yams. Melville Island • ■ . 99
33. — Taking the Yams out of the Fire. Melville Island . 102
xviii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FIG. Facing peige
34.— Father painting the Mikinyertinga Girl. Melville Island. . io8
35. — Men Pulling their Beards out. The old man on the left-
hand side is in the act of pulling. Melville Island . . 108
36. — Boys carrying the Wands called Uro-Ammi, when sum-
moning Members of Distant Camps to the Initiation
Ceremony. Kakadu Tribe ... ■ . • i33
37. — Scene in the Ober Ceremony. Kakadu Tribe . Between pp. 136-7
38. — Scene in the Ober Ceremony. Kakadu Tribe . „ 136-7
39. — Scene in the Ober Ceremony. Kakadu Tribe . „ 136-7
40. — Scene in the Ober Ceremony. Kakadu Tribe . „ 136-7
41. — Scene in the Ober Ceremony (Snake). Kakadu
Tribe „ 136-7
42. — Scene in the Ober Ceremony (Snake). Kakadu Tribe . . 141
43. — Jungoan Ceremony. Kakadu Tribe 145
44. — Swinging the Bull-roarer in the Larakia Tribe . . . .145
45. — Showing the Bull-roarer to the Initiates. Larakia Tribe . 155
46. — Placing the Bull-roarer on the Hands of the Initiates.
Larakia Tribe 155
47. — Scene from the Muraian Ceremony. Kakadu Tribe . . 186
48. — Scene from the Muraian Ceremony. Kakadu Tribe . . 187
49. — Scene from the Muraian Ceremony. Kakadu Tribe . . 186
50. — Newly-made Grave, before erection of Posts. The Mound
is covered with a Sheet of Paper Bark . . 230
51. — Two Old Graves. Melville Island 230
52. — Women wearing Armlets during Mourning Ceremonies on
Melville Island 234
53. —Close of the Mourning Dance. Men leaning on the Grave
Posts. Bathurst Island 234
54. —Clearing the Ground around the Grave, and Erection of
Posts. Melville Island . 235
55 — Men Dancing round the Grave Posts. Bathurst Island . 236
56. — Mourning Ceremony, Man Jumping in the Air. Bathurst
Island . . . . .... 238
57. — Carrying the Body, wrapped in Paper Bark, to the Grave.
Kakadu Tribe 240
58. — Placing Stones on the newly-made Grave. Kakadu Tribe . 240
59- — Circle of Grass Stalks with Paper Bark in Centre, in which
the Body of the Dead Woman had been Wrapped . . 242
60. — Water-pouring Ceremony. Kakadu Tribe .... 242
61.— Men Painting themselves and Children with Nack. Kakadu
Tribe ... 244
62.— Women wearing Armlets called Kundama, during Mourning
Ceremony. Kakadu Tribe. ... . . 244
63.— Child's Bones carried about in Dilly Bag by her Mother.
Kakadu Tribe. 248
64. — Ceremony of Korno 258
65.— Placing Sticks over the Buried Spirit at the close of the
Korno Ceremony. Kakadu Tribe 260
66.— The Old and the Young Numereji Snake. A Bark Drawing.
Kakadu Tribe . . . 313
67. — Bubba Peibi from a Drawing on Bark . . . .313
68.— Medicine Man rubbing his Hand under his Arrii-pit to
secure Moisture to rub on the Patient. Kakadu Tribe . 319
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xix
FIG. Facingpage
69.— Medicine Man sucking and massaging Patient to withdraw
Girl Magic. Kakadu Tribe . 319
70. — Holes in the Rock supposed to have been made by a
Thunder Man at Lurudminni . .... 335
71.— Bark Belts. Kakadu Tribe . ■ • • • 335
72. — Natives throwing Spears on Melville Island . . 365
73. — Corrobboree Wands or Yai-illa. Kakadu Tribe . . . 396
74. — Natives gathering the Lotus Lily. Roper River . . 396
75.— Natives and Dug-out Canoes. Melville Island . . . 399
76. —Designs drawn on the Bodies of Men during the Performance
of a Muraian Ceremony in the Kakadu Tribe . . 429
77. — Designs drawn on the Bodies of Kakadu, Umoriu, and
Geimbio Natives during the Performance of ordinary
Corrobborees . . -431
78. — Body Decorations of Melville and Bathurst Islanders during
the Performance of Ceremonies . 432
79.— A Bark Drawing of a Mormo called Ingwalin. Kakadu Tribe 433
80. — Bark Drawings of two Mormo or Debil-debils. Kakadu Tribe 434
81. — Bark Drawing of a Mormo. Geimbo Tribe 433
82. — Bark Drawing of a Mormo called Yerobeiri.
Kakadu Tribe Between pp. 436-7
83. — Bark Drawing of a Mormo called Warraguk.
Kakadu Tribe „ 436-7
84. — Bark Drawing of Three Snakes. Kakadu Tribe „ 436-7
85. — Bark Drawing of a Crocodile. Kakadu Tribe . „ 436-7
86. — Bark Drawing of a Native Spearing a large
Rock Kangaroo. Kakadu Tribe . . „ 436-7
87. — Bark Drawing of a Kangaroo Hunt. Kakadu
Tribe „ 436-7
88.— Bark Drawing. Kakadu Tribe .... „ 438-9
89. — Bark Drawing of a Barramunda fish {flsteo-
glossum leichardti). Kakadu Tribe . „ 438-9
90. — Bark Drawing of a Native Spearing a " Native
Companion" {jSrus australasianus). Kakadu
Tribe . . „ 438-9
91. — Bark Drawing of a Palmated Goose. Kakadu
Tribe .... .... „ 438-9
92.--Bark Drawing of an Echidna. Kakadu Tribe . „ 438-9
PLATES
PLATE Facing ptigc
I. — Ornaments Worn by various Individuals in connec-
tion with the Initiation Ceremonies on Melville
Island. (Coloured) 112
II. — Sacred Bull-roarers 212
III.— Sacred Objects used during the Muraian Ceremony.
Kakadu Tribe. (Coloured) 218
IV. — Sacred Objects of the Muraian Ceremony. Kakadu
Tribe .... 218
V. — Sacred Objects of the Muraian Ceremony. Kakadu
Tribe . . 220
VI. — Sacred Objects of the Muraian Ceremony. Kakadu
Tribe ... . . . 222
Bathurst
Bathurs
Bathurst
XX LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATE Facing page
VII. — Sacred Objects of the Muraian Ceremony. Kakadu
Tribe 224
VIII. — Armlets worn by Women during Mourn-
ing Ceremonies on Melville and
Bathurst Islands. (Coloured) . . Between pp. 232-3
IX. — Decorated Rings carried by the Women
during Mourning Ceremonies on Mel-
ville Island. (Coloured) ... „ 232-3
X.— Grave Posts, Melville Island. (Coloured) „ 232-3
XI. — Tjilaiyu Ceremony. Explanatory Diagram . . 259
XII. — Stone Axes
XIII. — Various Forms of Spears ....
XIV. — Spears, Barbed on one Side. Melville and Bathursi
Islands
XV. — Spears, Barbed on both Sides. Melville and Bathurst
Islands
XVI. — Various Forms of Clubs. Kakadu Tribe
XVII. — Various Forms of Clubs from Melville and
Islands . . .
XVIII. — Various Forms of Clubs. Melville and
Islands . . ...
XIX. — Various Forms of Clubs. Melville and
Islands . ...
XX. — Spear Throwers
XXI. — Various Forms of Baskets
XXII. — Netted Baskets, woven out of Grass, etc. Kakadu
and other Tribes
XXIII. — Netted Baskets, woven out of Grass, etc. Kakadu
and other Tribes .
XXIV. — Netted Baskets, woven out of Grass, etc. Kakadu
and other Tribes
XXV. — Baskets made from Stringy-bark. MelviUe Island
XXVI. — Trumpets. Kakadu and other Tribes .
XXVII. — Various Articles used by the Kakadu Tribe .
XXVIII. — Various Forms of Ornament. Kakadu and allied
Tribes . . . . ...
XXIX. — Bark Armlets worn by Women during Mourning
Ceremonies on Melville and Bathurst Islands 408
XXX. — Bark Armlets worn by Women during Mourning
Ceremonies on Melville and Bathurst Islands . 409
XXXI. — Ring carried by Women during Mourning Ceremonies
on Melville Island . 415
XXXII. — Rings carried by Women during Mourning Ceremonies
on Melville Island 417
XXXIII.— Various Forms of Armlets. Melville Island . 418
XXXIV.— Bark Baskets. Melville Island. (Coloured) 422
XXXV.— Bark Baskets. Melville Island. (Coloured) . . 422
XXXVI.— Decorated Spears. Melville and Bathurst Islands.
(Coloured) 426
Map of the Northern Territory . 6
354
3S6
360
362
366
368
372
374
377
379
381
382
384
388
390
397
403
NATIVE TRIBES OF
THE NORTHERN TERRITORY
OF AUSTRALIA
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Nature of the country inhabited by the tribes. — List of tribes,
with their localities. — Physical appearance of the natives. —
No Malay admixture. — Cicatrices. — Larakia woman with
joint of index finger cut off. — Small number of children in
each family. — Organisation of the tribes, a general resume. —
Totemic systems, a general resume. — Intichiuma ceremonies.
— Initiation ceremonies. — Burial and mourning ceremonies. —
Spirit children and origin of children. — Reincarnation. —
Sacred objects. — Camp life. — Habitations. — Flies and mos-
quitos. — Corrobborees. — Definition of tribe. — Sending out of
messengers. — Characteristics of native character. — Magic. —
Mental ability. — Fondness for fun and sense of humour.
Over the vast area of more than five hundred and
twenty thousand square miles occupied by the Northern
Territory there are, as might be expected, great variations
in regard to climate and natural features. Whilst this is
so, it is, on the other hand, possible to divide it into three
main parts, a Southern Central plateau, gradually rising
from the lowlands of Lake Eyre to the Macdonnell
Ranges. A Northern Central depression, in the form of
2 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
a great basin, margined to the north, east and west by
the Coastal Ranges, and lastly a fringe of coastland
between the latter and the sea.
The first two of these, again, agree in all essential
features. They have the same hot, dry climate, sparse
vegetation of gum trees, Mulga scrub, Hakeas and por-
cupine-grass. Every now and then, but very rarely, the
vegetation may be a little more luxuriant, in spots such
as Palm Creek in the Macdonnell Ranges where a solitary
colony of Fan palms (Livislonia marine) has managed to
survive, and where groups of graceful Cycads grow in
crevices amongst the rocks. Away, however, from the
Ranges the country is more or less arid. The soil is dry
and sandy with tufts of pale, withered grass that grow
so far apart from one another that you can easily count
them. It is wonderful how long the grass keeps its
moisture. It must have learned the habit of throwing
its roots down to a great depth. Towards the end of a
long dry season, however, you can powder the grass up
in your hand, and, for lack of nourishment, your horses
become little more than bags of bones. For mile after
mile there is nothing but thin gum tree forest, and in the
dry season there is not a drop of surface water ; you
may get some by digging a soakage in the sandy bed of
a river where the gum trees show that there is water
below the surface, but, for the most part, you must rely
on the wells that the Government has sunk at intervals
along the course of the overland telegraph line. These
vary in depth from a hundred to two hundred and seventy
feet. Each one is enclosed in a strong palisade to keep
out wandering horses and cattle and has, also, two trap
doors which close down over the opening and serve to
keep out wild dogs and small vermin. There is a wind-
lass and a chain with a bucket at each end.
I ♦ INTRODUCTION 3
The one shown in the illustration (Fig. i) lies between
the Katherine Creek and Daly Waters. It is one of the
deeper ones and by means of an endless wire a horse
can be hitched on to wind up the heavy bucket. When
this view was taken I was travelling on an experimental
motor car trip with the Administrator, and we utilised the
motor car to do the winding up.
Away to the east of the telegraph line there lies the
Downs country — huge stretches of slightly undulating open
country, covered with a most luxuriant growth of grass
with, every now and then, river beds, meandering across the
open plains, starting nowhere in particular and gradually
petering out (Fig. 3). Their banks are bordered, here
and there, with clumps of coolibars but, often for scores
of miles, you see nothing bigger than a small scraggy
bush and, as you travel along, you collect such little twigs
as you can to boil your next billy with. For miles upon
miles also, in many parts, the whole country face is
studded with white ant-hills of which there are several
quite different kinds. In the first place they vary much
in colour according to the nature of the ground. They
may be red, or almost white, yellow of various shades,
grey, or various shades of brown. A fair idea of the
surface formation of the country can be had from the
material of which they are made. In form they vary
immensely. Some never seem to exceed an average of
perhaps four or five feet in height and are in the form of
single, flattened columns, or slabs, sometimes tapering to
a point, at others with a bluntly rounded apex ; others,
again, are like masses of great bubbles of sand, from a
few inches to a foot or more in diameter. These are
piled irregularly on one another to form a mound which
may finally reach a height of six feet or even more.
Then, in addition to the smaller ones, which may be so
B 2
4 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
numerous and so close together as to give the country the
appearance of a gigantic graveyard, there are the huge
ones made, perhaps, of a single shaft, or of a main central
one, with others clustering round it like smaller pinnacles
around a main spire (Fig. 2). These are most extra-
ordinary structures ; they may reach a height of twenty-
five feet and must have taken many years to build.
In the whole of the central area, that is inland from
the coastal ranges, there is no permanent flowing water.
For a short time after the rainfall the creeks run, but
this may be only for a few hours. After that the scattered
water holes alone remain — some may last for a few weeks,
others for months, whilst others, such as the chain form-
ing the Newcastle Waters, are permanent, though, of
course, they gradually decrease in area as the dry season
advances. Towards the. close of the dry season the
natives must gather about the few remaining, waters,
though it is wonderful how they will secure water by
means of little soakages in the sandy beds of creeks, or *
out of the roots of trees, or even, if it comes to the
worst, by licking the dew off herbage. Amongst the
ranges they have their little stores of water which no
white man would ever find ; little crevices irf the rocks
or holes in trees out of which they can sometimes only
get the water by means of a whisp of grass which they
dip into the water and suck when it comes out.
The whole of the central area, right up to the Coastal
Ranges, is very much the same everywhere except that
when, coming up from the south, you reach Powell's
creek, there is a distinct change in the vegetation. The
gums remain, but Bauhenias, with rich foliage, red flowers
and large brown pods appear ; the Kapok with its bright
yellow flowers is- very noticeable and the Mulga is largely
replaced by Lancewood, while Indiarubber, Ironwood,
f/'
n.i--i''' :-iK&
■%iMi:
Fig. 3. Downs Country.
Fig. 4. Daly River.
[Beiujeenpp. 4-
Fig. 6. A Lily Water Pool.
Fig. 7. SwAMT JUNi'.LE. Melville I.'jLam).
^Between pp. 4-5.
I INTRODUCTION 5
and so-called Quinine trees are abundant. But, even as
far north as this, the vegetation is not really tropical.
After rising from the central part on to the Coastal
Ranges, the height of which is not more than one
thousand feet, there are sometimes, as, for example, going
down to the Coast on the Gulf of Carpentaria, a series of
"jump-ups," as they are called, where there is a sudden
sharp rise, or fall, according to which way you happen to
be travelling. This brings you down to the coast
country where, in many ways, things are very different
from what you meet with on the uplands of the interior.
East, west, and northwards from the Ranges, rivers, such
as the Roper, Daly and the Alligators, rise and run to the
sea. These are fine streams with permanent running
water, the tide affecting them for about eighty miles from
their mouth (Fig. 4). They are marked by the presence
of a series of rocky bars, each perhaps six, or at most
eight, feet in height, that stretch across from side to side
and over which the water pours all the year round (Fig. 5).
These bars separate long reaches of deep, clear water, fifty
to seventy yards in width, which may run for miles. These
rivers and the billabongs and backwaters of the coastal
district swarm with fish and water fowl of all kinds.
Every now and then there are swamp lands and shallower
pools, where the great, red-flowering lotus grows, and the
ordinary water pools are flecked with white and heliotrope
lilies (Fig. 6). The river courses are bordered with mag-
nificent paper-barks {Melaleuca leucodendron) that flower
profusely and attract great flocks of honey-eating birds.
Now and again you come across a patch of jungle (Fig. 7)
with clumps of graceful bamboos, fan palms, lawyer vines,
mosquitos and land leeches, but, except just for these
isolated patches, there is little that is really tropical. In
many parts the so-called cycad " palm " grows profusely in
6 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
the scrub with a stem from one to eight or even ten feet
high, crowned with a circle of stiff, fern-like leaves, with
perhaps a large central cone. The climate of this coastal
district, especially along the north, is very different
from that of the interior. In the latter it is hot and
dry with cold winter nights. Along the Roper river even,
about one hundred miles from its mouth, the tempera-
ture in August fell to 29° F. during the night, and very
often we had a fog that did not lift till nine o'clock in
the morning. The climate in Darwin and along just
the coastal fringe is less pleasant, but even here the
average wet bulb for December is little more than 80,
and these warm, moist conditions may be said to last
through November to March, the rest of the year being
relatively cool.
Such are the conditions under which the natives live,
and, whether it be the difference in the ^food and water
supply, or not, the fact remains that in many ways the
coastal and island tribes are sharply marked off from the
inland ones, in regard both to their customs and their
organisations.
The distribution of some of the more important tribes
is roughly shown on the accompanying map, the numbers
on which correspond to those in the following list :
1. Melville Island 14. Kakadu
2. Bathurst Island 15. Kulunglutji
3. Worgait i6. Umoriu
4. Warrai 17. Geimbio
5. WulwuUam 18. Koambut
6. MuUuk MuUuk 19. Watta
7. Brinken 20. Puneitja
8. Mudburra 21. Gnombur
9. Waduman 22. Djowei
10. Bulinara 23. Djauan
11. Airiman 24. Mungarai
12. Allura 25. Yungman
13. Larakia 26. Nullakun
Fig. 8. Two Kakadu Men.
;i;iS
Fig. 9. Geimbio Family, Man with Six Wivks.
{Between pp. 6-7.
Fig. 10. Two Kakadu Women.
iMi
Fi,'. II. Group of Women of Mulluk Mulluk Tribe.
Fig. 12. Group of Port Essington Natives on Board Cooper's
Lugger, in .\psi,ey Straits.
Kig. 13. Group of Oi.dir Men in Characteristic Attitudes.
.Meuvii.i.f, Island.
[Between pp. 6-7.
London : Macm.illa,Ti &, Co., Ltd.
INTRODUCTION
35-
Tjingilli
36.
Worgai
37-
Allowiri
38-
Warramunga
39-
Kaitish
40.
Unmatjera
41-
Arunta
42.
Walpari
27. Mara
28. Yukul
29. Binbinga
30. Umbaia
31. Nganji
32. Gnuin
33. Kallaua
34. Karawa
It Is simply impossible to make any, except a most
vague, estimate in regard to the number of the natives in
the northern part of the territory. Down in the Mac-
donnell Ranges the old Arunta tribe is practically
decimated, and the same is true of others in the north,
such as the Larakia, Warrai, Wul-wullam ; more
especially is this true of those who have had the mis-
fortune to come into close contact with the Chinese
working on the gold fields.
There are, however, great areas, more especially in the
north-east, where the waters are permanent and the food
supply abundant, and here, sheltered from interference, as
yet, by the nature of the country, they probably exist in
large numbers. The inland tribes, in fact one can say all
the mainland tribes, so far as their physical appearance is
concerned, are essentially similar to those members of the
Warramunga, Ngangi, Binbinga, Allaua, and other tribes
whom we have previously described.^ In Figs. 8, 9, and
10, some typical representatives of the Kakadu and
Geimbio tribes, inhabiting the Alligator River district, are
represented. In Fig. 1 1 a group of women belonging
to the MuUuk Mulluk tribe on the Daly River is
seen, and in Fig. 12 a group of Port Essington
natives. It will be seen that there is considerable
' Cf. Northern Tribes, Introduction. For their physical measure-
ments reference can be made to Dr. R. Burston, " Anthropometric
Measurements of One Hundred and Two Australian Aboriginals,"
Bulletin of Northern Territory, 1913, External Affairs Dept., Melbourne.
8 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
difference in regard to the curliness of the hair, some-
times it may, as in the left-hand of the two in Fig. 8,
be wavy, but not straight and lank; at others, as in
the right-hand man, it may be decidedly curly, but
never really woolly. Amongst these tribes there are the
usual keloid ridges of various forms, raised as ornaments
on the upper part of the arms, across the chest, and,
sometimes, abdomen. The women always have their
hair cut short. There is only very rarely indeed seen
anything like a trace of Malay blood. It has been,
perhaps not unnaturally, suggested that, during years
past, the intercourse between the Malays who come
south annually, in search of trepang and tortoiseshell, and
the natives, has resulted in the introduction of a Malay
strain in this part of the continent. It is possible that, on
very rare occasions, a Malay or Macassar man may have
succeeded in having intercourse with an aboriginal woman,
but he would only do so at the risk of his life. The
Malays have to be extremely careful in their dealings with
these coastal natives, who are strong and fierce, and are
always on the look-out to kill intruders. It would,
under ordinary conditions, only be by mere chance that
a Malay would have the opportunity of seeing a native
woman, not one of whom would be allowed near a Malay
camp, and, for a stranger to venture into the bush, would
mean certain death.
I have once, but only once, seen a native — a woman —
who had clearly some Malay blood in her, but she stood
out markedly. It may be said that the coastal races have
been in no way physically influenced by contact with
Malays.!
Physically the finest natives whom I met with were
* Mr. Sydney H. Ray, after his examination of the languages, has
decided that there is no evidence of Malay influence in these.
I INTRODUCTION 9
those on Melville and Bathurst Islands, that is, the men,
because there was often a marked contrast in size between
the men and women. The latter were seldom more than
four feet six or eight, the former were often five feet
ten or even six feet. The bodies of the men and women
alike (Figs. 14, 15, 16 and 17) were marked with very-
characteristic cicatrices called miunga which are supposed
to represent the barbs of their spears. They are arranged,
as can be seen, with remarkable regularity and form the
only instance that I know of in the whole of the Northern
Territory, in which you can recognise the tribe of an
individual by his body marks.^ These keloid growths
are the results of cuts made by the individual himself, or
by someone else, with a stone knife or a sharp shell.
They are added to, from time to time. One of the Port
Essington girls, probably about fifteen or sixteen years
of age, had a double row of small elevations of keloid
tissue each not much more than an eighth of an inch in
diameter running on each side in a curved line from
below the shoulder on to the breast. I saw her one day
adding to the number of them, so as to carry the row
further down her breast. She had a little stick, about
six inches long, and all that she did was to burn one end
in the fire until it was red hot and then she pressed it
straight down on to her breast, burning right through
the skin until she came to the white flesh beneath. She
made six of these marks at one time and, apparently, did
not in the least mind what would be to an ordinary white
woman an extremely painful ordeal.
On Melville and Bathurst Islands one is struck, often,
^ Statements are made every now and then according to which these
cicatrices are said to be distinctive of tribes or other groups. They do,
of course, vary, but I have never, except in this one instance, seen any
that are thus distinctive.
10 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
by the very curly nature of the men's hair. This is well
shown in Figs. i6 and 17, which represent a man
decorated for a ceremony. It is only on these Islands
that 1 have seen any decoration of the hair itself, apart,
sometimes, from a certain amount of grease and red
ochre which is rubbed on frequently amongst the central
tribes. Here, however, there is a regular design. The
beard in these people is also very well developed, in
strong contrast to many of the mainland tribes such as the
Kakadu and Geimbio (Figs. 8 and 9), amongst whom it
is usually only very sparsely developed. These Islanders
have, also, a curious custom of pulling out their beards
during certain ceremonies — their upper lips are always
bare. The women in all cases have short hair, because
they must cut it off periodically and use it for the manu-
facture of hair string.
In one tribe, the Larakia, the women (Fig. i 8 a) have an
extraordinary custom of mutilating the index finger of
the left hand by removing the terminal joint. It is
either bitten off by the mother at a very early age or,
at a later time, cobweb is tied so tightly round that the
circulation is prevented and then the joint rots ofF. The
custom has nothing to do with initiation, and the natives
have no idea of what it means.
The biting operation is called gwirung giwe, which
means finger, bite ; the finger is afterwards called gwirung
gimik, or cut finger.
A remarkable feature of many of these tribes is the
small number of children, even though a man may have
as many as five or six wives. The greatest number of
children that I met with belonging to one woman was
eight, in the case of a Kakadu woman. The same feature
stands out dearly in the genealogical table given in the
chapter dealing with organisation and in the photograph
rO
I INTRODUCTION ii
which represents (Fig. 9) a man of the Geimbio Tribe
with his six wives. The natives, in many parts, are
certainly not prolific, and, under normal conditions, they
do not, apparently, kill their children. In the more
central parts there are times when food and water are
very scarce and life is hard, but on the coastal district
and anywhere in the more northern area, drained by the
Roper, Daly, Katherine, Flora, King, Liverpool, and many
other rivers, there is never any scarcity of either food or
water. Whatever may be the cause, the native, even
under normal conditions, does not appear to increase in
numbers, and, when he comes into abnormal conditions,
such as those associated with intercourse with strangers,
he very rapidly diminishes. Their numbers are, un-
doubtedly, to a certain extent, kept down by their
constant feuds. One thing is noticeable, and that is that
you seldom see a really old man or woman. As usual,
the younger women are in the possession of the older
men, and Mr. Cooper told me that he suspected that on
Melville Island the older men were every now and then
speared by younger men to whom their wives would
descend. The disparity in age between a man and his
wife is well seen in the family figured. In connection
with the question of obtaining wives, attention may be
drawn to the remarkable custom that I found in vogue
amongst the Kakadu, according to which, on the death of
any man, one of his wives may be handed over to a man
who stands to her in the relationship of no-omheri^ which
includes her own sons. She must not be his own mother,
but may be any one of his actual father's or father's
brothers' wives. Not only is this so, but, even before his
father's death, the son calls this particular woman by the
same name that he applies to his wife. It may very
likely be, in fact, in the cases actually seen by me it is so,
12 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALL\ chap.
that the woman may be of just about the same age as the
son.
Starting, on the one hand, in the very south of the
Continent and proceeding northwards to within less than
a hundred miles of the coast at Darwin, or starting,
on the other hand, from the east coast, say from Brisbane,^
and travelling right across the whole continent to the
shores of the Indian Ocean in Western Australia, we
meet with a series of tribes which have one fundamental
feature in common, and that is a very definite " class "
organisation. In every case the tribe is divided into two
moieties, or main divisions, and each of these, again, into
two or four classes or sub-classes, for which there may,
or may not, be distinct names. These class groups regu-
late marriage, descent being counted, sometimes in the
paternal, sometimes in the maternal line, but, in every
case, there is a definite " class " organisation.
On the northern coast line, however, we meet with a
group of tribes such as the Kakadu, Umoriu, Geimbio,
and others allied to them, in which this is not present —
whether it ever has been is a matter of conjecture ;
if it has, there is, so far as 1 could discover, not
a trace of it left now. There is, on the other hand, a
strong, local organisation which governs marriage. In
the Iwaidji and other tribes it is just possible that the
intermarrj'ing groups are remnants of original classes.
We may, indeed, so far as their organisation is con-
cerned, divide Australian tribes into two main groups, and
these again into various sub-groups as follows : —
Group A. — Tribes with distinct class organisation.
This we can divide into at least five sub-groups.
Sub-group I. — Tribes, such as those of the Dieri
1 This statement refers, of course, to the early days before the natives
had become contaminated by contact with the whites.
I INTRODUCTION 13
nation, occupying the Lake Eyre region, in which descent
is counted in the maternal line. There are no names for
the classes, but groups, forming intermarrying groups
equivalent to classes and sub-classes in other tribes, are
undoubtedly present.
Sub-group 2. — Tribes, such as the Kamilroi with four
class names and descent counted in the female line.
Sub-group 3. — Tribes such as the Southern Arunta and
the Warrai, in the Northern Territory, and others occupy-
ing a very large area in Western Australia, amongst whom
four class names are present. In these, also, though
there are no distinct names for them, there are eight
intermarrying groups.
Sub-group 4. — Tribes, such as the Warramunga, with
eight sub-classes and indirect male descent ; that is, a child
passes into a sub-class which is different from that of its
father, but is one of four belonging to the same moiety
of the tribe as its father's. This form of organisation
is very widely spread over the central part of the Conti-
nent.
Sub-group 5. — Tribes, such as the Mara and Anula,
with four sub-classes and direct male descent of the class
name. In these, again, there are the equivalents of the
eight sub-classes of the Warramunga. Their existence
becomes very evident when the marriage regulations are
investigated, and their equivalence with the sub-classes of
the Warramunga group is clearly recognised when the
two sets of tribes come into contact with one another.
Group B. — Tribes without class organisation or with,
at most, obscure traces of such.
Sub-group 6. — This includes certain anomalous tribes
in the south-eastern part of the Continent, now all extinct.
But little is known of them, except that, if they had a
class organisation, it was very highly modified.
14 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Sub-group 7. — This includes tribes such as Kalcadu,
Umoriu, Geimbio and other tribes, forming what I have
called the Kalcadu nation, and inhabiting the Coburg
Peninsula, and the district drained by the East, South,
and West Alligator Rivers, together with the Larakia on
the mainland and the tribes on Melville and Bathurst
Islands. In all of these no class organisation is present ;
it has been replaced entirely by a local organisation.
Amongst all the tribes there is a very strongly
developed totemic system which, naturally, varies to a
great degree amongst groups of tribes scattered over such
a wild expanse of country. It is only when you have
the opportunity of coming into close contact with these
natives and of watching their secret ceremonies that you
realise how strongly the totemic system is developed.
In every one of the tribes that I came across every
individual was associated with a totemic group.
There are, amongst these northern tribes, some very
interesting features in regard to their totemic systems.
In some tribes, such as the Larakia, Worgait, and
Wul-wuUam, the totemic groups are divided between
the two moieties of the tribe, so that, as a man may only
marry a woman who belongs to the other moiety of the
tribe, the totemic groups are exogamic. In these tribes
the totem descends in the paternal line.
In other tribes, such as the Djauan, Warrai, Mungarai,
Yungman, Mara, and NuUakan, the totemic groups are
divided between pairs of classes, or groups, into which
the fathers and their children, alternately, pass. Thus
in one moiety of the tribe we may have four sub-classes
which we may call a, b, c, d, and on the other side four
which we may call e, f, g, h. The rule is that a man
of sub-class a marries a woman of sub-class e, and vice
versd, and their children belong to sub-class d. Now,
I INTRODUCTION 15
on the side of the tribe that includes the sub-classes
«, b, c, d, some of the totemic groups are divided
between a and d, others between b and c, in such a
way that no two sub-classes contain the same totemic
groups. In the same way another set of totemic groups
is divided between the sub-classes belonging to the other
moiety. It follows that, as descent of the sub-class is
counted in the paternal line, the child must pass into
a sub-class belonging to the father's moiety, but into
both a sub-class and a totemic group to which he does
not belong.
In other tribes, such as the Waduman, Mudburra,
Ngainman and Bulinara, the same totemic group is found
on each side of the tribe, and the totemic group descends
in the maternal line. In others, again, such as the
Melville Island tribe, amongst whom no classes are
found, the totem descends in the maternal line.
The most modified amongst these northern tribes
in regard to their totemic system are undoubtedly the
Kakadu, Geimbio, Kulunglutji and allied tribe. They
are strongly totemistic, but yet there is no descent of the
totem in either the paternal or maternal line. The spirit
of the dead person chooses its own totem, and, when it
undergoes reincarnation, tells the father of the child what
is the Jereipunga, or totem, of the latter.
So far as the social aspect of totemism is concerned we
may roughly classify as follows the various Northern
Territory tribes that have as yet been studied from this
point of view. In the first place they may be divided
into two main divisions according to whether the totemic
groups are or are not exogamic : —
Group I. — The totemic groups are exogamic. This
again we may divide into two, in one of which the descent
is counted in the maternal, in the other in the paternal line.
i6 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
(A) Descent of the totem is counted in the maternal
line. This includes groups of tribes that are really not
allied to one another, and in each of which the totemic
organisation is distinct.
(a) Tribes in which there are two moieties and no
class names, and in which the totems are strictly divided
between the two moieties, the child taking both its
mother's moiety and totem name. This includes the
important Dieri nation in the far southern part of the
Territory.
(^) Tribes in which the totem groups are divided
between the two moieties and in which the descent of the
class name is counted in the paternal and that of the
totem in the maternal line. This includes a group
of tribes out in the north-western part of the territory
drained by the Victoria River, such as the Waduman,
Mudburra, Ngainman and Bulinara.
(c) A group of much modified tribes in which there is
no class organisation and a tendency for the totemic group
names to disappear or merge into one another. This
includes the Iwaidji tribe on the Coburg Peninsula and
the Melville and Bathurst Island tribes.
(B) Descent of the totem is counted in the paternal
line. The totemic are groups divided between the
moieties in various ways.
(a) The totem groups are divided between the moieties
so that the same one is present in each. This occurs
in the Larakia, Worgait, and Wul-wullam tribes in
which the descent of the totem is in the direct paternal
line, the child taking its father's totem.
(l>) The totem groups are divided between the two
moieties, the child taking, with very rare exceptions, the
father's totemic name. Very occasionally it may belong
to a totemic group different from that of its father.
I INTRODUCTION 17
but it is always one belonging to the same moiety of
the tribe as its father's. This occurs in the Warra-
munga, Worgaia, Umbaia, Tjingilli, and allied tribes.
(c) The totem groups are divided between pairs of
classes or groups which belong to the same moiety so that,
though the father's and the children's classes, or groups,
may be distinct they may both belong to the same totemic
group. This is found in the Djauan, Mara, and
Nullakun tribes, in which the descent of the totem is in
the direct paternal line.
(<:/) The totem groups are divided between the sub-
classes in such a way that the sub-class of the father con-
tains one set of totemic groups and that of the children
another. It follows that there is a constant alternation of
totems from generation to generation, those of the father
and children being different and those of the grandfather
and grandchildren being similar. This may be spoken of
as indirect paternal descent of the totemic group. The
child belongs to a totemic group on the same side of the
tribe as its father's but to a different one, just as it
belongs to a sub-class on its father's side but not to
his. This system, which shows the extreme case of
division of the totemic groups amongst the sub-classes,
is met with in the Warrai, Mungarai, and Nullakun
tribes.
Group 2. — The totemic groups are not exogamic and
there is no descent of the totem either in the maternal or
paternal line. There are two main types.
(tf) The tribe is divided into moieties and these into
classes and sub-classes amongst all of which the totemic
groups are irregularly distributed, so that the same group
is present in each moiety. Descent is neither in the
maternal nor paternal line, and the totem of the child
depends entirely upon the locality at which it is supposed
i8 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
to have entered the mother in spirit form. This system
is characteristic of the Arunta nation, in the centre of the
Continent, which includes the Arunta, Unmatjera and
Kaitish tribes. Tn the latter there is a decided tendency
for the totemic groups to be divided between the two
moieties and for the descent to follow in the paternal line.
(l>) The tribe is not divided into moieties nor classes,
but there are a number of intermarrying local groups.
The totem has nothing to do with marriage and it descends
neither in the paternal nor in the maternal line. The spirit
of the ancestor, who is about to be reincarnated, tells the
father of the child exactly who the latter is, and what is
the name of its totem, which need not even be that of
the old ancestor. This system is characteristic of the
Kakadu nation.
It will be seen that there are, as might be expected,
when account is taken of the wide area over which the
various tribes are scattered in the Northern Territory — an
area equal in extent to four and a-half times that of Great
Britain — very wide difFerences in regard to the totemic
systems. It is somewhat remarkable to find that count-
ing descent in the maternal line, which is usually regarded
as a primitive feature, is met with in such varied groups
of tribes as the Dieri in the very south, in which there
are no class names and only moieties, the names of which
pass from mother to children, in the Waduman and others
in the north-west amongst whom there are class names
that pass from father to child, and, lastly, in the Melville
Islanders and Iwaidji, which are most certainly highly
modified tribes that have undergone profound changes in
regard to their organisation.
On the occasion of my first visit in 1 9 1 1 , I did not
come across any ceremonies which were the equivalents
of the Intichiuma in the Arunta tribe, that is ceremonies
I INTRODUCTION 19
designed to increase the supply of the totemic animal or
plant. During my second visit, with more opportunity
of study, I found that such were really present in certain
tribes. There are two types of Intichiuma ceremonies
amongst the Central tribes, one represented by the
Urabunna, Arunta, Kaitish and Unmatjera tribes, the
other by the Warramunga nation.
In the Arunta the head man of each totemic group is
called Alatunja and he takes the lead in the performance
of one special ceremony, as does also the corresponding
individual, called Ulqua, in the Kaitish tribe.
In this tribe also a very important part of the ceremony
is the bringing in of the totemic animal or plant to the
head man of the group, who then eats a little of it and
tells the men who do not belong to the group that he
has made it for them and they are free to eat it. In the
Kaitish there is a slight but interesting addition in the
form of a ceremony connected with the Alcheringa
history of the totem.
In the second type, represented by the Warramunga,
there is only very seldom any one special ceremony
designed to secure the increase of the totemic animal or
plant. On the contrary, we have a great development of
the side which is just hinted at in the Kaitish. In the
Warramunga the Intichiuma consists in the performance
of a series of ceremonies dealing completely with the
Alcheringa history of the ancestor of the totemic group.
Just, however, as in the Kaitish tribe we find a hint of
what is the leading feature in the Warramunga, so again
in the latter we find hints of the leading features in the
Arunta and Kaitish. The head man of the white cockatoo
totemic group performs a special ceremony to increase the
numbers of white cockatoos and, again, in one or two
instances, as in that of the Carpet-snake totem, the men
c 2
20 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
who do not belong to the group bring the animal in to
the head man and, before touching it themselves, ask him
if he wishes to eat it. He tells them no ; that he has
made it for them and that they are free to eat it.
I was much interested in finding both of these types of
Intichiuma ceremony existing in the far north. In the
Mudburra and Waduman tribes on the Victoria River
side the Arunta type exists. The head man of the
group in the Waduman tribe is called Tjungunni. He
performs a special ceremony known as Tjutju, and,
after this, when the animal or plant has increased in
numbers, the men who do not belong to the group go
out and collect some of it. If, for example, it be a
"sugar-bag" then they take a little of this up to the
head man who eats a small portion and hands the rest
back to the other men, telling them they may eat it.
The second type, in somewhat modified form, Is seen
amongst the Kakadu. It is, perhaps, more correctly
speaking a mixture of the two types with, in addition,
features peculiar to itself. There is one special series of
sacred totemic ceremonies, called Muraian, in connection
with which there are performances associated with certain
sacred sticks and stones called also, collectively, Muraian.
Muraian was an old, ancestral turtle-man, or man-turtle,
it is hard to say which. The other objects (Plates III.,
IV., v., VI., and VII.) are very carefully decorated sticks
and stones, the former representing fish, birds, snakes,
yams, etc., the latter, eggs of the various animals, or
yams. In all cases, with the possible exception of the
turtle, they represent, not the human ancestor, but the
actual animal or plant. On the other hand, the ceremonies
of which this performance forms a part are closely similar
to those of the Warramunga and represent the history of
the old totemic ancestors of the various groups.
I INTRODUCTION 21
The discovery of these Intichiuma ceremonies among
these northern tribes is of considerable interest as showing
that they are widely scattered and form an important
feature in the totemic systems of tribes extending from
Lake Eyre in the south to the Coburg Peninsula in
the north.
In the matter of eating the totemic animal or plant,
there is considerable variation. In the majority of tribes
such as the Arunta and Warramunga, the members of the
totemic group either do not eat their totem at all or, at
most, very sparingly. In the Warramunga they do not eat
their mother's totem unless it be given to them by a man
belonging to that totemic group. In the northern tribes
there is considerable variation in regard to the eating of
the totemic animal or plant. In some, such as the
Kakadu, there appear to be no restrictions, though, on the
other hand, there are most elaborate restrictions in regard
to food generally. In others, such as the Waduman,
which is typical of very many, a man will not capture or
secure his own totemic animal or plant, but will eat it
if it be given to him by a man who belongs to another
totemic group.
The initiation ceremonies vary to a very considerable
extent, and, so far as the Northern Territory tribes are
concerned, they may be divided into three groups : (i)
those such as the Larakia, Kakadu, Geimbio, Iwaidji and
allied tribes on the northern coast, together with those
inhabiting Melville and Bathurst Islands, in which neither
circumcision nor sub-incision is practised, (2) those, such
as the Worgait, Mandot, and Djauan, in which circum-
cision alone is practised, and (3) a very extensive group
occupying the whole of the Central area and extending
westwards into West Australia and eastwards into
Queensland, in which both circumcision and subincision
22 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
are practised. This group of tribes includes the Arunta,
Kaitish, Warramunga, Worgai, Yungman, Mudburra, etc.,
and amongst them the women are subjected to the rite of
cutting the hymen with a stone knife, the cut often
extending through the perineum. So far as I have been
able to discover, the natives have no idea whatever as to
the meaning of these customs. One thing is certain, and
that is that they have no relation to the prevention of
procreation. In the first place, the natives do not
associate procreation with sexual intercourse, and, in the
second, no man in any of the tribes in which these rites
are practised is allowed to take a wife until such time as
he has been both circumcised and subincised.
The burial and mourning ceremonies vary to some
extent amongst the different tribes. On the mainland
there are three main types of burial ceremonies, which are
associated, respectively, with (i) ground burial, (2) tree
burial, and (3) the eating of the dead person and subse-
quent burial of the bones in a bark coffin. The first of
these is practised by the Arunta, Kaitish, and other tribes
further north, such as the Kakadu ; the second is practised
by the Warramunga^ nation and at times by others such
as the Kakadu, who also bury in the ground ; the third
is met with in the Mara and allied tribes. A very
interesting purification ceremony is described in connec-
tion with the burial of a woman which I witnessed in the
Kakadu tribe.
The most extraordinary burial and mourning cere-
monies are, however, those of the Melville and Bathurst
Islanders. Amongst these, years ago, curious grave posts,
unlike any met with on the mainland, were described by
Sir Gordon Bremmer, who, naturally, did not have
' A full account of this is given in Northern Tribes, Chapter xvii.,
p. 505.
I INTRODUCTION 23
the opportunity of witnessing the ceremonies concerned
with their erection. I had the good fortune to do this in
July, 191 1, and again in March, 1912, on IVIelville Island,
and during November, 1912, on Bathurst Island. This
method of burial is peculiar to the islands, and the cere-
monies associated with the erection of the posts are
amongst the wildest that I have seen in the whole of the
Northern Territory.
Varied though these tribes are in regard to their
organisations and customs, there is fundamental agree-
ment on certain points. It was in the Central tribes that
we first described the belief in the existence of spirit
children who inhabit certain definite localities and enter
women. It is interesting to see that this belief is
universal amongst the Northern Territory tribes. A
similar belief has been shown by Dr. Roth to exist
amongst Queensland natives and by Mrs. Bates amongst
certain tribes in West Australia. In regard to this
matter there has been considerable diflrerence of opinion,
but I think it may now be regarded as established that
some such belief was once widely prevalent over a large
part of Australia. I am, myself, inclined to think that it
was once universal, for the reason that it now exists
amongst tribes so widely different from one another
in many other respects as the Dieri, Arunta, Waduman,
Mara, Kakadu, and Melville Islanders. The Kakadu
beliefs are amongst the most definite that we have.
Without going into details which are explained later,
it may be said there was one great ancestor, named
Imberombera, who was responsible, originally, for all
the spirit children with whom, either directly or by
means of individuals whom she sent out, the country
was peopled. There were local spirit centres, just as
in the Arunta, and it is these spirit children who have
24 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
ever since been born again. With this belief is also
closely bound up that of reincarnation. It is curious
again to find that there is fundamental agreement in
this matter right through the tribes and, further, that
the Arunta in the South and the Kakadu in the North
have remarkably parallel beliefs. In the former some
of the ancestors are known by name, others are not.
Every individual has his, or her, secret name, known
only to the old men of his local totemic group.
For some reason this is one of the most secret and
most difficult things to find out in the Arunta. If
the old ancestor is born again, then the human
incarnation takes that ancestor's as his own secret
name. In the -Kakadu, on the other hand, the name of
every ancestor is known and every member of the tribe
bears that ancestor's as his or her name in common,
everyday use. In some tribes, such as the Warramunga,
each totem group had one great ancestor from whom,
when he shook himself during the performance of
ceremonies, numerous, but nameless, spirit children
emanated. We have, in fact, an interesting series of
stages beginning with the Arunta and its numerous
original ancestors for each group, passing through the
Warramunga with its one ancestor for each group, and
then on to the Kakadu with its single great, original
ancestor for all the groups.
In some tribes, such as the Dieri and Warramunga, the
belief holds that the sex changes at each successive
reincarnation.
The Kakadu also have a belief in a double spirit some-
what akin to that of the Arunta. The original spirit,
called Yalmuru, gives off a double, called Iwaiyu. It is the
latter that enters a woman and, after it has done so, the
Yalmuru comes, some night, to the father and tells him
I INTRODUCTION 25
that the child inside his wife is so and so, naming the old
ancestor of whom he is the reincarnation, and saying also
what his totem is.
There are one or two points in connection with this
belief to which attention may be drawn. In the first
place it is essential to remember that there is no such
thing as a virgin amongst the women of the native tribes
from one end of Australia to the other. As soon as a
native girl reaches puberty, she is handed over to her
allotted husband and has continuous intercourse for the
rest of her life. In that respect there is no difference
between any two native women, and yet the native sees
that some women have children, some do not. The inter-
course is continuous, the bearing of children is sporadic.
It is long after a woman has had intercourse before she
becomes aware that there is a child within her. Seeing
then that every woman without exception has continuous
intercourse ; that some have children, some do not ; that
those that have them bear them at varying intervals which
have no relationship to the time of intercourse, and
that the woman only knows she has a child when the
quickening takes place, which, again, has no reference to
intercourse, it is not a matter of surprise that the savage
man, who is, according to his lights, a very logical being,
should seek some other explanation of the origin of
children than that of sexual connection.
There is one very interesting and suggestive point in
this connection, and that is the common explanation of
the existence of half-castes given universally by their
mothers, speaking in pidgin English, viz., " Too much
me been eat em white man's flour." The chief difference
that they recognised between their life before and after
they came into contact with white men was, not the fact
that they had intercourse with white men, instead of or
26 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
side by side with, blacks, but that they ate white flour and
that this naturally affected the colour of their offspring.
I have seen old natives in Central Australia accept, with-
out question, their wives' half-caste children, making no
difference whatever between them and the pure bred
ones. On the other hand, it is, of course, naturally, a
belief that is one of the first to become modified when
the natives have been for some time in contact with
white men.
In regard to sacred objects there is considerable differ-
ence amongst the tribes. The churinga may be said to
be distinctive of the Arunta and Kaitish, and to dwindle
in importance as we pass northward until, amongst the
coastal tribes, they are used only during initiation. On
Melville and Bathurst I could find no trace of them.
The most interesting new sacred objects that I came
across were those called Muraian amongst the Kakadu,
to which reference has already been made. There are no
Nurtunjas nor Waningas nor ground drawings, that
figure so largely in the southern part of the Territory,
but, through all tribes on the mainland, the belief is
universal amongst the women and children that the sound
made by the bull-roarer is the voice of a great spirit which
comes to take the youth away during the initiation cere-
mony. In no case amongst these northern tribes did I
find any indication of sacred rock drawings such as we
meet with in the Arunta and Kaitish. This absence may
be associated with that of any such spots as the Ertnatu-
lunga, where churinga are stored and close by which the
sacred drawings of the Arunta are typically found.
So far as the method of life of the northern tribes is
concerned it is, with certain changes, due to difference of
environment, closely similar to that of the southern
tribes. There are favourite camping grounds belonging
o
o
I INTRODUCTION 27
to certain local groups which form the nearest approach
to anything like a permanent camp, but there is no con-
tinuous occupation and never the slightest attempt to
cultivate any crop or to lay by a store of food other than
such as may be required during the performance of some
particular ceremony or series of ceremonies. For example,
in the Alligator Rivers district there are very favourite
camping grounds by the side of great billabongs. As
long as they can get lily-seeds and roots in abundance,
fish and wild fowl, there they stay, each family with its
own mia mia or, in the dry months, with nothing more
than a bough or two, slanted against a tree or shrub to
obtain a little shelter from the sun. All day long the
women and children wade up to their necks in the water
gathering lily " tuck-out," while the men spear fish and
catch wild fowl or climb the trees after flying-fox and
honey-bag, But when they have thinned the lilies out
and the fish and fowl get hard to catch, and the honey-
bags are scarce, then they move on to another camp
where the same round is gone through day after day and
month after month all the year round. The cooking of
their food is carried on in two ways. Under common
conditions, when they are in camp and making a hasty
meal, they simply use an ordinary fire, placing the food,
such as a lizard or a flying-fox, on the red-hot embers
(Fig. 19). When the food is sufficiently cooked, or
while it is in process of cooking, it may be torn up by
the teeth of the cook and replaced on the fire for further
cooking or handed round for consumption. When, how-
ever, the natives are camped in one place for any con-
siderable length of time they cook much more carefully,
using what the Kakadu call peindi, or earth ovens (Fig. 21),
in which the food is placed on paper-bark, grass, or green
leaves above heated stones in a hole in the ground. It
28 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
is then covered with more paper-bark, grass, or leaves, and
the earth piled over. So far as their food is concerned,
it may be said that the natives eat anything that is edible.
In the more northern parts of the Territory food is
very abundant. The waterholes swarm with fish and
wild fowl, and on the land they secure plenty of
kangaroos, birds, such as native companion and jabiru,
lizards and snakes. On the coast, dugongs and large
turtles (Midas sp.) and turtle eggs, at the right time of
the year, are easily obtained. I was much interested in
watching the way in which, amongst the Kakadu, the
natives kill snakes. There are two or three species of
non-venomous ones, four feet and upwards in length,
that they obtain in considerable numbers. They collect
a few, put them into bags and either kill them on the
spot or bring them alive into camp. When a man
wishes to kill one, he catches hold of it just behind the
head and puts the latter into his mouth, upside down.
Holding the neck tightly in his teeth, immediately behind
the head, he gives the body a sudden, strong, sharp jerk,
dislocating the vertebral column and killing the animal
(Fig. 20). I had heard of this method but scarcely thought
it credible until, time after time, I had seen it done. In
their camps they make various forms of shelters and
mia mias. The simplest consists only of a few boughs,
placed so as to protect them from the sun's rays or the
prevailing wind. They are very fragile, but it is astonish-
ing how cleverly, though simply, the native will lean a
few boughs up against one another in such a way as
to make them a shade against the sun or a fairly efficient
protection against wind and rain. They seem to know,
instinctively, the right angle at which to slant the boughs
so as to make them able to withstand the pressure of
a strong wind. In many parts, during the summer
I INTRODUCTION 29
months, violent monsoonal deluges have to be endured.
On Melville and Bathurst Islands great use is made of
sheets of stringy bark, which the natives strip from the
gum-trees with their tomahawks in lengths of from six to
ten feet by two or three feet in width. With these
they build, sometimes dome-shaped, at others tent-shaped,
mia mias, usually not more than at most four feet high
(Fig. 22). I was much struck on Melville Island with
their very simple but effective contrivance of picking up
and folding a sheet of bark in two and using it as an
umbrella, slanting it in such a direction as to keep off the
torrent of rain that fell at rapid intervals. I found this a
most useful contrivance as a protection for my cameras.
If they are overtaken with specially heavy rain out in the
bush, away from the main camp, they often huddle close
together, side by side, in a line under the shelter of a few
slanting sheets of bark, with a trench, roughly-scooped out
by their hands, in the best position to lead the stream of
water away from them. As soon as the rain ceases they
pick up their belongings and march on, quite cheerfully.
I once saw some twenty natives, quite dry, during pelting
rain, under a shelter of this kind that was not more than
four feet high, and did not subtend more than two feet of
ground. In parts where it is available, paper-bark, the
bark of Melaleuca leucodendron^ is used, and is in some
respects even more efficient than stringy-bark, because it
is very strong and tough and at the same time pliable. In
addition to this it is very warm and can easily be wrapped
round their bodies as they lie on the ground during the
cold winter nights.
Over the greater part of the Territory there are, in
addition to the rains that do not seriously inconvenience
the aboriginal, two main sources of discomfort. The first
of these is the cold at nights, during, at all events, three
30 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
winter months. It is a remarkable thing that, except for
a small apron or tassel, both men and women are stark
naked. The only efficient covering of any kind is an
apron made of a fold of paper-bark. This, however, is
worn only on Melville and Bathurst Islands and is held
in place by their arms, which the women always carry
characteristically bent at the elbows, in such a way that
the latter always hold the apron close against the side of
the body, just above the hip. During the winter months
in the upland interior districts, and along the Roper and
other rivers flowing into the Gulf of Carpentaria, the
temperature at night falls to 29° F., and it Is a remark-
able fact that the native, though he feels the cold keenly,
has never realised the fact that the kangaroos, wallabies,
and opossums that he catches and eats In plenty would
provide him with a warm covering. This is due, probably,
to the fact that he prefers to cook his animals in the skin
so as to keep all the juices inside, and, therefore, the first
thing that he does is to put the entire animal on the fire
and singe the hair off. At night time the whole family
huddles together along with the dogs, under its bough or
bark shelter, with sheets of paper-bark under, above, and
around them, If they can get any, and with two or three
small fires close to them.
The second source of discomfort is the flies and
mosquitos. The flies do not trouble the natives so
much as they do the white men ; In fact you often see
the former, especially the children, with their eyes
encircled with a mass of crawling flies, of which,
apparently, they take little notice. On the other hand,
the mosquitos trouble the natives just as much as they
do the white men, with, often, very serious results.
They are no more immune from tropical diseases such as
malarial fever than are the white men. I have a stick
Kig. 24. Skeleton or ^foscjun'o Mia .Mia. Roper RrvER.
I'lg. 25. MOSijUlTO .\liA .MlA. K..ltR KlVEK
[fact pa^e 31.
I INTRODUCTION 31
marked with more than ninety notches indicating so
many deaths from what was supposed to be malarial
fever on Melville Island in the course of two months.
To protect themselves against mosquitos they construct
special tent-like structures which vary in size to a very
considerable degree. I came across the one represented
(Figures 24 and 25) in a camp on the Roper River. It
was fifteen feet long, between four and five feet broad,
and four feet high. The framework was rather like
that of a boat turned upside down. At either end there
was a forked stick, and between these two ran a ridge-
pole, occupying the position of an upturned keel. A
series of ribs arched over on either side. In some cases
these ribs ran from the ground to the ridge-pole but, in
others, a pliant stem formed a complete arch, fixed into
the ground on each side and attached to the ridge-pole
in the middle. When the framework was complete,
sheets of paper-bark were very ingeniously laid on so as
to form a wall impenetrable both to rain and mosquitos.
When in use, a small opening is left at one end and,
through this, the natives crawl until the hut can hold no
more. The opening is closed, smoke fires are lighted,
and here, almost hermetically sealed, they swelter and
choke until the rain clears off, or the morning light
drives the mosquitos away. If they cannot get bark
their only hope is to make great smoke fires with green
bushes and grass, but, in the real mosquito season, they
have, at best, very uncomfortable and disturbed nights
and have to make up for it by sleeping during the
day. In hilly districts they are a little more fortunate,
because if they can get up two or three hundred feet
they are relatively free from mosquitos. Near to
Oenpelli, for example, on the East Alligator River,
there is an isolated hill about three hundred feet high.
32 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Straight up this, through the scrub, there runs a path
that has been used for long years as a track to some
rock shelters on the top. Every night, as soon as the
sun sets, a long procession of natives winds up the hill-
side from the plains around the billabongs and river,
the women carrying their piccaninnies and pitchis con-
taining water and stores of lily-roots, yams, and other
food, the men carrying their spears and clubs.
The overhanging rocks form caves with low-lying,
shelving roofs, blackened with the smoke of years of
fires, and walls decorated with quaint but often very
realistic drawings of the animals on which they feed,
all crudely drawn in red and yellow ochre, white pipe-
clay and charcoal mixed with grease. Here they camp
free from mosquitos, in comparative coolness, shifting
from the northern to the southern face and vice versd
according to the direction from which the monsoonal
storms are blowing.
When the time comes for the turtle to lay its eggs,
they go to the laying ground on some sandy beach.
When the lagoons and billagongs are alive with young
geese the natives are there, camping close by and
catching them by the score. When birds are scarce
they go to the lily-pools and feed on roots, stems, and
seeds. In the inland, drier parts they gather together
on the larger and more permanent water holes where
fish and shell fish, birds and vegetable food can be
secured longer than elsewhere. The moment the rains
fall, off they scatter to take advantage of supplies that
do not exist during the dry season.
In camp, when they are not performing sacred
ceremonies, the evenings are always occupied with
corrobborees, which may be witnessed by everyone —
men, women, and children alike. These ordinary cor-
I INTRODUCTION 33
robborees vary to a considerable extent in difFerent
parts. In the south they take the form of set dances
each with its own " figures," and one of these cor-
robborees may occupy the evenings of two or three
weeks. On the other hand, in the more northern tribes
these long corrobborees seem to be absent, and, in their
place, we have a series of short ones which may only
occupy a very little time — it may be only a few minutes.
These corrobborees deal with some particular incidents,
such as a buffalo hunt, a crocodile securing its prey, or
the putting out of a lugger to sea.
In some instances, as on Melville Island, the acting
may be very realistic. The men gather together and
come into camp in single file, in a long line ; the main
mass stands to one side, while, perhaps, two or three
at a time perform, imitating the actions of pulling up
the anchor and hoisting the sails. At others the men
will stand round in a circle (Figs. 26 and 27), while, one
after the other, the dancers come out into the open space
and rush round and round, imitating the action of some
animal such as a buffalo or crocodile. All the time the
audience stands round, each man stamping the ground
wildly with his right foot, while, in unison, they strike
their buttocks with their open palms. When the per-
formers show signs of flagging other men take their
place, and so the dance goes on, until, finally, the
audience closes in upon them, and, altogether, they form
a dense mass of naked, howling savages, yelling wildly,
e ! e ! ai ! ai ! with their arms waving in the air. These
corrobborees are quite unlike any on the mainland, and
are similar to those performed at the grave during the
mourning ceremonies of these remarkable people.
One of the most striking features of the aboriginals is
the way in which they are divided into a large series of
D
34 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
tribes, each of which speaks a distinct dialect and
occupies, or is regarded as doing so, a tract of country
the boundaries of which are well known to the natives.
The existence of these dialects is one of the most
puzzling and difficult things to understand amongst the
aboriginals. In the first place, it is not at all easy in
many cases to ascertain the native name of the tribe. As
likely as not you will get a locality name, not the true
tribal name, and when once a mistake has been made in
pronunciation, or even in the actual word, and it has
been repeated by white men, the aboriginals are so
anxious to please, and also in some respects so indifferent,
that the wrong pronunciation or even word may actually
be adopted by them and pass into circulation. For
example, the name Woolner, as it is commonly spelt, is a
white man's name for a tribe that calls itself Punuurlu.
It may be a native word but it has been mistakenly
applied by the whites as a tribal name and has been
tacitly accepted by the natives or by a large number of
them.
What exactly constitutes an Australian tribe is some-
what difficult to say. It may conveniently be defined
somewhat as follows : — A tribe is a group of individuals
speaking a common dialect, differing in the nature of its
words from that of other groups and regarded as owning
a definite tract of country, the boundaries of which are
known to them, and recognised by the members of other
tribes. Each tribe may usually be divided into sections
and the real test of whether a native is or is not a
member of any particular tribe is whether, under normal
conditions, he may wander freely over the country owned
by that tribe. He must not trespass on the land of any
other tribe, entering upon this only after he has received
permission of the owners to do so. In the case even of
Fig. 27. Buffalo Corrobboree. Melville Islam>.
1
■
m
F-MV^.'-^aEyHI
Ft ,^^^^^^^^H
r=
". 'A4 W'BP'M''
HlHH|HqH^^^
Fig. 2S. End of Corrobbokee. Melville Island.
\Face f'd^e ^4.
I INTRODUCTION 35
natives belonging to different sections of a tribe there
is a recognition of local ownership within the wider
range of tribal ownership. No members of any one
local group enter a camp of natives belonging to another
local group until they have been formally invited to
do so.
When important ceremonies are about to take place
messengers are always sent out, often to distant tribes,
and the etiquette observed illustrates well one aspect of
aboriginal character. Each messenger is provided by
some important member or recognised leader of the
group that sends him out with an object, the possession
of which at once indicates to all whom he meets that he
is a messenger. In the southern parts of the Territory
this will take the form of a sacred stick called a churinga,
or, popularly, a bull-roarer. The bearer of this is
absolutely safe anywhere. On approaching a camp he
sits down waiting until the local men choose to take
notice of him, which may not be until after an hour or
two. They all go on meanwhile, quite unconcernedly, as
if he did not exist, and then one or two of the older men
will go over to him ; he will show them his credentials
and deliver his message, after which he is brought into
camp, made free of the special men's camp and provided
with food. This same thing goes on at every camp that
he visits and exactly the same etiquette is observed when
the visitors arrive at the camp from which the messenger
was sent. In the northern parts, as, for example, in the
Alligator River district, when boys are to be initiated,
they are sent out on a journey to distant camps amongst
strange tribes that often lasts for months. Each of them
carries a small wand and under the protection of this
they travel in perfect safety. When they come to a
strange camp they stand close together, leaning on their
D 2
36 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
wands and singing a special corrobboree song, which
must be replied to by the women in camp.
It is interesting to find that the natives have also, as it
were, extended this feeling of sacredness of the persons of
their own messengers to those of aboriginals who are
carrying messages for white men. A letter is always
spoken of as a " paper yabber " and is carried in a cleft
stick so that it can be seen easily. Last year a native
carried a " paper yabber " for me 90 miles in this way,
and they not infrequently traverse longer distances than
this, the cleft stick acting as a safe passport. They look
upon the " paper yabber " as a mysterious thing that is
endowed with the capacity of seeing, as is well instanced
by an aboriginal who abstracted a stick of tobacco from a
parcel that he was carrying and was highly indignant with
the " paper yabber " for telling the white man what he
had done, because he had hidden it in a hollow log while
committing the theft, so that it should not be able to see
what he was doing.
They have very little idea of private property. If you
give a man, say, a stick of tobacco there are certain
individuals, such as men who might lawfully be his
fathers-in-law, to whom he is obliged by custom to give
some ; and even if they are not on the spot, he will
immediately share it with others. Give a man a shirt in
return for work that he has done for you and the chances
are that you will find a friend of his, who has done
nothing except ask for it, wearing it next day. On many
of the cattle stations the work is done by a few natives ;
but every one at hand shares in the proceeds, whether
these be clothes, food, or tobacco ; and it never occurs to
them that the lazy loafer is living at the expense of his
more industrious brother.
Still another point of very great importance which
I INTRODUCTION 37
must always be borne in mind in dealing with the
aboriginals, is their intense belief in evil magic. In
tribes inhabiting the country around the Alligator Rivers
a very favourite form of magic is to get hold of some
excrement, it does not matter how small a piece, of a
man or woman against whom you may have a grudge,
and whom you wish to injure. All you have to do is to
get two or three friends to help you perform a rather
elaborate ceremony out in some quiet spot, where he
cannot see you, and you can easily encompass his death.
The belief has one beneficial result in that the camps of
these natives are much better from a sanitary point of
view than in most Australian tribes, because everything is
carefully buried, lest some enemy should be lurking
about.
The natives have no idea of disease or pain of any
kind as being due to anything but evil magic, except that
which is caused by an actual accident that they can see.
If a man has a headache, it is evil magic that has got
inside him and he will wear, in some tribes, his wife's
head rings, so that the magic may pass into them, and be
thrown away with them into the bush. If he has a pain
in the back he will wear a curious short wand, made of
paper bark, which he fixes in his waist girdle in the small
of his back. The evil magic goes into this and can be
thrown away.
Anything that they do not understand they associate
with evil magic. One of the most striking and character-
istic examples of this that I know of is the fact that when
first they came across the track of a cart they thought it
was a path along which evil magic was passing, and if they
were obliged to cross it they jumped over it as high in
the air as they could lest the magic should enter them.
Natives, also, are always most frightened of the magic of
38 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
another tribe or distant part and will often fix upon some
man who lives 50 or 100 miles away as guilty of causing
the death by evil magic of a member of their own group.
The result of all this is that there is always a feeling of
mutual suspicion and distrust between members of
different tribes, each of which has its own peculiar forms
of magic by means of which it may encompass the death
of strangers. Often in our little camp, associated with
the departmental office in Darwin, we had natives of
various tribes together for a few days at a time, and it
was very noticeable, not only how they kept apart from
one another, but the mutual distrust with which they
viewed each other. You have only to tell a native that
he is the victim of evil magic and he succumbs at once
and can only be cured by the exercise of counter magic.
The feeling is so strong that on more than one occasion
when a woman, strong in magic power, had given it out
that she was using magic against some individual, it very
seriously interfered with the treatment of that native
under medical supervision in a hospital and, if this be so
amongst natives who have been for long in contact with
white men, it can easily be realised what an enormous
part magic plays in the life of the primitive savage.
Even an aboriginal who has lived long with the whites
and has lost most of his old beliefs, will still firmly retain
his faith in evil magic, though he might be ashamed to
own it in public.
The aboriginal is, indeed, a very curious mixture ;
mentally, about the level of a child who has little control
over his feelings and is liable to give way to violent fits
of temper, during which he may very likely behave with
great cruelty. As a general rule he is very fond of and
very .good to his children. If the parents of a child die
it is immediately taken charge of by a blood or tribal
1 INTRODUCTION 39
father and mother. The only exception that I have ever
known to this was one case in Melville Island where we
met with a little boy whose parents were dead and who
had been left behind in camp when the natives moved on.
(Fig. 23). We came across the poor little fellow sitting
disconsolately on the top of a bark mia mia. He has no
sense of responsibility and, except in rare cases, no
initiative. His memory in many cases is wonderful so
far as subjects are concerned that afFect his life and mode
of conduct. When once he has seen any place, or any
particular natural object, he knows it for all time. If
once he has heard a corrobboree he knows the words and
music, and his memory in respect to native traditions is
marvellous. It must be understood, however, that in
proportion to the narrow sphere of their actions, there is
as great a mental difference amongst aboriginals as
amongst whites in their wider sphere. This is well
recognised amongst the natives themselves. For instance,
there is one man on the Alligator River whose manage-
ment of the wooden trumpet used during their ceremonies
is wonderfully superior to that of any one else and whose
fame as a musician has spread even beyond the limits of
his own tribe. Whenever he is in camp he is always
requested to play. So, again, in the making of all their
various weapons and utensils, there are always certain
individuals who are noted for their ability — some in
making shields, others in making knives. There was one
man belonging to the Kakadu tribe, on the Alligator
River, who was extraordinarily able in regard to remem-
bering traditions, and was recognised as a great authority
on the subject of the past history of the tribe. He was
relating to us a tradition of the tribe, according to which
an old ancestor sent out different individuals to populate
various parts of the country. There were five groups of
40 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
these individuals and he was able to tell us the names, so
far as we could judge, of all of them. They included
those of one hundred and twenty men and women, and
not only did he know their names, but also the totemic
group to which each belonged and their intermarriages.
It was really a wonderful feat of memory and the inform-
ation was evidently correct, because it fitted in with
traditions that we were told by other natives and we
tested him later and found him consistent. The
possessor of any particular capacity does not, except in
very rare cases, secure any very direct personal gain from
its exercise beyond the fact that he has a reputation for
ability. Everything is communistic and even if a man is
provided with an extra supply of food, or, in recent
years, tobacco, in return for something he has made or
done, it is usually not long before it is divided amongst
his friends. There is, amongst the aborigines, an equal
distribution of profits quite irrespective of deserts.
Lastly, there is one feature that must not be omitted,
and that is the aboriginal's fondness for fun and his sense
of humour. Under normal conditions they are always
cheerful and are constantly either corrobboreeing, or
playing and laughing with one another. Nothing
amuses them more than an accident that puts one of
their number in an undignified or uncomfortable position.
If a friend tumbles over a log and gives himself a good
knock, they roar with laughter at him and the chances
are that he joins in. If any one comes up who did not
see it happen, he will be requested to do it again for the
benefit of the new arrival and, as likely as not, will repeat
the performance. Years after the event happened, the
recital of how two of the old men of the Kakadu tribe
had to run for their lives and just managed to keep
ahead of two charging buffaloes and an imitation of how
I INTRODUCTION 41
they ran, what they said, and what they looked like, were
greeted with roars of laughter and kept a camp cheerful
for an hour or two. They are wonderful at mimicking
anything that they think is funny and the acting of two
natives, one of whom tried to show me how a former
Government Resident of the Territory had behaved when
he suddenly trod on a snake, and the other who, after
posing a few natives for the purpose, imitated by means
of three sticks for a tripod and a sheet of paper bark for
a focussing cloth, the actions of a very excitable photo-
grapher whom he had watched, was wonderfully realistic.
There are said to be 20,000 aboriginals in the
Territory, but on what authority this statement is made I
do not know, as it is quite impossible to form any
definite and reliable estimate, and the above number is a
mere guess. There are great areas, as in Arafura Land,
where practically no white man has been — at all events
there is no settlement — and here there is an abundance
of native food and the tribes wander unhampered in their
native state. Judging by what I have seen and heard, I
think it probable that a census would show more nearly
50,000 than 20,000. One thing is certain and that is
that in all parts where they are in contact with outsiders,
especially with Asiatics, they are dying out with great
rapidity.
The more primitive a race is, the more rapidly does it
lose, or modify, its old customs and beliefs, when it
comes in contact with a higher civilisation, and there are
very few parts of Australia now left in which it is
possible to study the aboriginal in his natural state.
CHAPTER II
SOCIAL ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS
Tribes without class organisation. — Bathurst and Melville Island
natives. — Local groups. — Port Essington tribe. — Kakadu
tribe. — Allotment of virives ; a vi^oman of the status of a man's
mother allotted to him as w^ife, with consequent change of
terms of relationship.- — Widows passing to younger brothers
of deceased husband. — Tribes with class organisation. —
Tribes with indirect male descent : Warrai, Waduman,
Mudburra, Maluuru, Djauan, Yungman, Mungarai. — Tribes
with direct male descent : Mara, Nullakun. — Tables of
relationship terms : Larakia, Worgait, Port Essington,
Melville Island, Djauan, Mungarai, Nullakun, Kakadu,
Waduman. — Status terms : Kakadu, Melville Island, Wadu-
man, Mudburra, Port Essington, Larakia, Worgait, Djauan,
Nullakun, Mungarai.
There are very wide differences between various tribes
in regard to organisation, and it is interesting to notice
that, what are presumably the most modified tribes, are
met with on the far northern coastal districts and on
Melville and Bathurst Islands. At the other extremity of
Australia, in its extreme south-eastern corner, we meet
with equally modified tribes, or did so until some years
ago. In both parts — the north and the south — the most
striking feature is that there is no trace left of classes, or
at most a very doubtful one, and that the organisation is
essentially a local one, with, in the north, an attendant,
well-marked totemic system.
CH. II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 43
The tribes we are now dealing with may be divided
into two main groups : (A) those without class organi-
sation, and (B) those with class organisation.
(A) Tribes without Class Organisation.
(i) Bathurst and Melville Islands.
These two islands are inhabited by a tribe of wild and,
physically, remarkably well-developed natives, who are
easily distinguishable from all others by the way in which
they ornament their bodies with a series of V-shaped
cicatrices, which they call Miunga, and are supposed to
represent the barbs on their heavy spears. So far as my
experience goes, the marks on these Islanders are the only
ones which serve to identify the particular tribe to which
any special individual belongs. From the region of Lake
Eyre in the south, across the continent to Darwin and
away east to the Gulf of Carpentaria, though all natives
are more or less marked with cicatrices, there is nothing
in them which is in any way distinctive of totem, class or
particular tribe. The nearest approach to anything of
this kind are the cuts made on the backs of adult men in
the Urabunna, Dieri, Wonkgongaru and other tribes, who
have passed through the Wilyaru, or its equivalent, final
initiation ceremony. These marks, however, are charac-
teristic of the whole of the Dieri nation and not of any
class or special tribe. The Melville and Bathurst Islanders
can, however, always be distinguished, and the fact that
they can serves to emphasise still more strongly the
absence of any such possibility in the case of all the main-
land tribes in Central and Northern Australia.
Despite repeated inquiries, I have not been able to find
out any true tribal name for the islanders. There are
definite and well-known names applied to local groups,
44
NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
but, though doubtless it exists, I tried in vain to find out
a name equivalent to that of Larakia or Kakadu. My
informants, also, knew of the existence of these and other
tribal names on the mainland. It is astonishing how
difficult it often is to get reliable information in regard to
a subject such as this, where there is, apparently, no
question of the matter being of a sacred or secret nature.
As a matter of fact, in all tribes the tribal name is not
Map showing distribution of local groups on Melville and
Bathurst islands.
The numbers correspond to those in the list of localities and local groups given in
the text.
often used and, very often, there is one name applied by
the members to themselves and quite a different one by
outsiders. The Larakia natives at Darwin speak of
Bathurst and Melville as Wongok ; the natives on the
latter call both the mainland and the natives there
Jeruula. The natives at Cape Donn, near Essington,
call Melville Island, which they can see across the water,
Wamuk,
11 ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 45
The natives, on both Bathurst and Melville Islands, are
divided into a series of local groups, each of which is
supposed to occupy and own a special well-defined
district. These districts are indicated on the accompany-
ing map. Though their language, customs and beliefs
are identical, there is only a certain amount of intercourse
between the natives of the two islands, who are, at least,
mutually distrustful of one another. Every now and
then the men from a camp on one side of Apsley Strait
will raid a camp on the other.
The list of local groups on Melville Island is, I think,
complete ; that on Bathurst probably is not. The
numbers in the following list correspond to those on the
map. In each case the name in brackets is the name of
the local group inhabiting that locality. It will be noticed
that the name of the group is made by adding the suffix
ulla to that of the locality.
{a) Melville Island Groups.
(i) Mundiimbu (Mundiimbulla).
(2) Ulobu (Ulobulla).
(3) Arangijera (ArangijeruUa).
(4) Yeimbi (YeimbuUa).
(5) Cherupu (Cherupulla).
(6) Kambuambu (Kambuambulla).
(7) Barranpunalli (Barranpunalliulla).
(8) Munupu (MunupuUa).
(9) Pururaunapu (PurumunapuUa).
(10) Mindalu (Mindaluulla).
(ir) Balauiungamba (BalauiungambuUa).
(12) Marungallambu (MarungallambuUa).
{b) Bathurst Island Groups.
(13) Malauu (MalauuUa).
(14) Urongu (UronguUa).
( [ 5) Tchikalaua (TchikalauuUa).
The separation of the local groups from one another is
very clearly marked indeed if they come together for the
performance of special ceremonies, such as those connected
46 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
with mourning. When I was last on Bathurst Island,
watching these ceremonies, there were representatives of
two local groups present called respectively MalauuUa
and TjikalauuUa. They camped some distance away
from one another, and though they foregathered during
the actual dancing, yet, immediately this was over, they
separated.
I was unable to ascertain anything definite in regard to
the marriage system beyond the fact, as described in con-
nection with the account of totemic systems, that it is
closely associated with and regulated by the totemic groups.
In some cases it is certainly concerned with the local group,
a man of one group taking as a wife a woman of another,
who then comes into his own group to which his children
also belong, but, whether this is always the case, I cannot
say positively, though I believe it to be so.
{2) Iwaidji or Port Essington Tribe.
This tribe is evidently much modified. There are
apparently three divisions, called respectively Munbulkitj,
ManjeroieUi and Manjerawuli, amongst whom the totemic
groups are divided, very unequally, the first having four,
the second two and the third seven. Munbulkitj and
Manjerojelli marry Manjerawuli people and vice versa,
but members of the two former may not intermarry.
Whether the three divisions are the vestiges of formerly
existing classes it is impossible to say, and my informants
were quite clear that there are no more than these three.
The Port Essington tribe is allied to the Kakadu amongst
whom there are very strongly developed local groups, and
it is quite possible that these three groups are based on
locality. The totem groups are strictly exogamous, and
descent of both local group (or division) and of totemic
group is in the female line.
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 47
(3) Kakadu Tribe.
This is the representative of a number of tribes
inhabiting the northern coastal area, all of whom differ in
important respects from the more typical tribes with whom
they are in contact on their inland borders. Their distri-
bution is shown on the map (page 44).
The tribe is not divided into moieties nor are there any
classes. If such were ever present, they have disappeared
completely, leaving not a trace behind them to indicate
their former existence. The organisation is now entirely
local. In the far past time their mythic ancestor,
Imberombera, sent out different pairs of individuals to
various parts of the country, now occupied by the Kakadu
and other tribes of the same nation. In these places they
formed local centres, peopled, at first, with spirit indivi-
duals who have since been undergoing reincarnation.
Tradition explains how, in the early days, the members of
different local groups intermarried, and, at the present time,
just as then, each individual man secures his wife, or wives,
from some special local group. The totem group has
nothing to do with marriage.
An elder man frequently has several wives, of varying
age, and there is one method of allotment of wives which
is, so far as I am aware, peculiar to this nation of tribes.
I have not met with it in any of the Central tribes nor
does It seem to have been noted elsewhere in Australia.
This method consists in the allotment to a man of a
woman who belongs to the generation immediately senior
to himself, and who stands to him In the relationship of
Koiyu, that is, father's wife, or Ngaila, mother's brother's
wife. The Koiyu women, of course, include his own
actual mother, but that particular woman may not be
allotted to him.
48 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
The table on page 49 represents two actual cases of
this, which, though strange, appears to be a well-recognised
practice in these tribes.
Nabanja and Tjilongogo were brothers and Ungara-
erria was a tribal brother, one of whose wives was a
young woman named Kumbainba, who had a son named
Mukalakki.
Tjilongogo had a son named Monmuna. The latter
had seven wives, but, as shown in the table which
includes all his family, he had remarkably few children.^
Amongst his wives he had two, called respectively
AUarima (i) and Kumbainba (3), who had once belonged
to two men who were his papa — fathers or fathers'
brothers. Kumbainba had been married to a man named
Ungara-erria and, by him, had a son named Mukalakki.
She was still young when she was handed on to Monmuna.
Monmuna, by his wife, Mumungara, had a son named
Nulwoiyu, who is still a mere boy.
Nabanja had a son named Kulingepu-kunamuUa-
jumbo, who, amongst others, married a woman named
Wareiya, by whom he had a son named Ungara-mulyarami
and a daughter named Koetto.
Ungara has two wives called, respectively, Mumulandi
and Mitjingari. Koetto is married to Kulanyo-jarraman,
by whom she has three sons, Kadjimuk, Burnimakori
and Wudeirti.
When Kumbainba (3) was allotted as wife to Monmuna,
Mukalakki became Ngoornberri, or son, to the latter ;
Nullaberri, or younger brother to Ungara-mulyarami,
because the latter was a son of a Baranga or elder
1 The relatively small number of children is not infrequently to be
noticed amongst these tribes. While I was at Oenpelli a man of the
Geimbio tribe, closely allied to the Kakadu, came into camp with his
family including six wives, but only four children. The age of the wives
must have varied from fifteen to fifty.
11 ORGANISATION AND MARRIaGE REGULATIONS 49
wg.
a X -
Si
50 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
brother of Monmuna ; and Baranga or elder brother to
Nulwoiyu.
When Monmuna died, the jaidja (mother's brothers)
of the women concerned, told Numerialmak (5) to go to
Mukalakki as his wife, which she did, and Kumbainba (3)
to go to Ungara as his wife, which she did. Both
of these men have other wives, given to them by
the fathers of the women, but the jaidja of any woman
can allot her to one of the sons of her husband, provided
she be not that son's actual mother.
These arrangements are made before the death of any
man, such as, in this case, Monmuna, and they affect
the terms of relationship used. Thus Mukalakki calls
Allarima, Gudjukatju, Kumbainba, Mimonau, Niniokolura
and Mumungara, koiyu, or mother, but Numerialmak he
caUs ngunkomukali, or wife, and he actually applied this
term to her while the old Monmuna was alive, though
she was not then in his possession and he had no marital
relations with her. Mukalakki caUs Numerialmak's
brother muraguji, or wife's brother. If she had had any
children by Monmuna he would have called them
nuUaberi, younger brother, or illaberri, younger sister
while Monmuna was alive, and ngoomberri, sons, or
ngungomberri, daughters, after his death. So again,
he calls the father of each of the first above-named six
women, peipi, or mother's father, but the father of
Numerialmak he calls keerli, or wife's father. Further
still, Ungara was baranga, or elder brother, of Mukalakki,
but, when Numerialmak, the actual mother of Mukalakki,
was allotted to Ungara as wife, Mukalakki called him
papa, or father. These two men, Ungara and Mukala kki,
were constantly with Mr. Cahill and myself, at Oenr lelli,
so that we had every opportunity of hearing them s peak
to one another. ,
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 51
Numerialmak calls Muicalakki ngunkomukali^ or
husband, just as she did Monmuna, and applies the same
term to Nulwoiyu because, if Mukalakki had died before
Monmuna did, she would have been allotted to Nulwoiyu.
She calls AUarima and Kumbainba, who had been allotted
to Monmuna and belong to a generation senior to her
own, ngailor, or father's sisters. She calls Gudjakatji
and Mimonau makomgo, that is elder sisters ; Niniokolura
and Mumungara she calls illaberri, or younger sisters.
Ungara calls all the women, except Kumbainba, koiyu,
or mother, but he calls her ngunkomukali, or wife, because
she was allotted to him, and she also calls him ngunko-
mukali, or husband. Ungara also calls the fathers of all
the women, save Kumbainba, peipi, or mother's father,
the father of Kumbainba he calls keerli, or wife's father.
Kunamullajumbo also had, as one of his wives, a
woman who had been the wife of his father Nabaiya,
and Ungara called that woman koiyu.
There was also living in camp a man named
Mitjeriunga who has a wife named Workerlaki who has
been allotted to the son of the former named Mitjeralak.
The latter calls the woman ngunkomukali, and she applies
this term to both of them.
Ungara has a son to whom, in the future, a wife
belonging to Nulwoiyu will be allotted, and that son
calls Ungara /)«/)«.
This handing on of a woman to a man who is at the
level of her son, is always done by the woman's mother's
brothers. For example, as Numerialmak herself told us,
it was her father who gave her to Monmuna, but her
jaidja who told her to go to Mukalakki. She was very
much younger than Monmuna, and does not appear to
be any older than Mukalakki.
When a man dies, beyond the special allotment to men
E 2
52 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
on the level of sons, the widows normally pass to younger
brothers of the dead man, not to older ones. Thus,
recently, the man named in the table Kulanyo-yarraman
died. He had an elder brother, called Mappleburra, and
a younger one, Kopereik. When Kulanyo-yarraman died,
Kopereik was away and Mappleburra took the lubra
Koetto, but when Kopereik returned, the first thing that
he did was to go and take the woman away from
Mapplebura. Again, Mukalakki has a wife called
Mitchunga, who, it is already arranged, will go to
Nulwoiyu on Mukalakki's death.
As an example of the allotment of a mother's brother's
wife we may take the case of Ungara-mulyurami. His
brothers are dead and he has no sons, so it has been
arranged that, on his death, Mitchingari, one of his wives,
is to pass to Kadjimuk, or, should he die, to Wudeirti,
both of whom are sons of Ungara's sister named Koetto.
Each of these men calls Mumulandi ngailor, that is,
father's sister, but Mitchingari they call ngunkomukali.
[t will easily be understood that this curious system of
allotment and, consequently, of change of terms of
relationship, produces extraordinary complications, but the
natives appear to find no difficulty in working the system,
and when in camp they will tell you readily the relationship
of all the different members present to one another.
To the same group of tribes belong, apparently, the
Koarnbut, Quiradara, Norweilemil, Punuurlu, Kumertuo,
Geimbio, Malanji, and, possibly, the Larakia. These,
together with the Iwaldji, Kakadu, and the Melville and
Bathurst Islanders, form a group of tribes sharply
marked ofF, not only by the absence of class organisation,
but by the fact that their initiation ceremonies are
distinguished by the absence of both circumcision and
subincision.
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 53
(B). Tribes with Class Organisation.
{a) 'Tribes with indirect male descent.
(i). Warrai tribe. This is a tribe usually called
Wolwonga by whites. It is now entirely decadent, its
remnant occupying the country between a place called
Rum Jungle and Brock's Creek on the short railway line
that runs south from Darwin.
The tribe is divided into four classes, and there are no
names for the moieties. The organisation is as follows,
the names of women's groups, corresponding to those of
the men, being placed in brackets : —
Moiety i.
Moiety 2.
Children.
Children.
Adjumbitj
(AUjambitj)
Appungerti
(Al pungerti)
Appularan
(Al pularan)
Auinmitj
(Allimitj)
Appularan
(Al pularan)
Auinmitj
(AUinmitj)
Adjumbitj
(AUjambitj)
Appungerti
(Al pungerti)
An Adjumbitj man marries an Allpungerti woman,
and the children are Appularan (males) and Allpularan
(females).
An Appularan man marries an AUinmitj woman, and
the children are Adjumbitj (males) and AUjambitj
(females).
An Appungerti man marries an Alljamjbitj woman,
and the children are Auinmitj (males) and Allimitj
(females).
An Auinmitj man marries an Allpularan woman, and
the children are Appungerti (males) and Allpungerti
(females).
Except that there are distinct names for women, which
54 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
are slight variants on those for the men, the organisation
is closely similar to that of the southern Arunta, where
there are only four class names. It must, however, be
remembered that, though there are only four such names,
yet, in all tribes in which this is so, each of them is
divided into two groups so that, for example, one group
of Adjumbitj men intermarry with only one group of
AUpungerti women, the other group of the latter women
are forbidden to these men. In most tribes distinct
names are given to the two groups, so that there are eight
in all.
It is somewhat remarkable to find two tribes, each
with the four, named, intermarrying groups, one at each
end of the long stretch of country, a thousand miles
in all, that lies between the southernmost Arunta and
the Warrai in the north. In all these tribes the organi-
sation is fundamentally identical, but it is only at the
extreme northern and southern limits that we find only
four class names, elsewhere there are always eight.
The northern boundary of the Warrai tribe is coter-
minous with the southern of the coastal tribes — in this
particular part the Larakia, though the latter has long
been practically decimated, its degraded remnants hanging
about the settlements. It is also a curious circumstance
that the Arunta people have a very definite tradition
of a great leader who, in the far past time, led a body
of uncircumcised men away out of the Arunta country
and travelled on with them until they came to the
salt water in the far north. On the shores of the latter
they camped and are supposed to have remained there
ever since.
(2). Waduman tribe.
The names of the moieties have been lost. There
are distinct sub-class names for males and females and
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 55
intermarrying sub-classes such as Uanai and Urella are
spoken of as being Tjimuri or mates.
The names of the female sub-classes are in brackets.
Moiety i.
Moiety 2.
Children.
Children.
Uanai
(Imbanai)
Urella
(Imburella)
Yunguri
(Inbunguri)
Inmirra
(Inganmira)
Imit
(Imbidenni)
Yungalla
(Ingungalla)
Ualeri
(Impalieri)
Tjabijin
(Ibajin)
Ualeri
(Impalieri)
Inmirra
(Inganmirra)
Imit
(Imbidenni)
Urella
(Imburella)
Yunguri
(Inbunguri)
Tjabijin
(Tjabijai)
Uanai
(Imbanai)
' Yungalla
(Ingungalla
(3). Mudburra tribe.
The names of the moieties have been lost. There are
distinct sub- class names for males and females, those of
the latter being printed in brackets.
Moiety i.
Moiety 2.
Children.
Children,
Tjanama
(Nana)
Tjula
(Nanula)
Tjunguri
(Nunguri)
Tjimara
(Nimara)
Tjimija
(Namija)
Tjungalla
(Nungalla)
Tjaliri
(Naliri)
Tjambijina
(Nambijina)
Tjaliri
(Naliri)
Tjimara
(Nimara)
Tjimija
(Namija)
Tjula
(Nanula)
Tjunguri
(Nunguri)
Tjambijina
(Nambijina)
Tjanama
(Nana)
Tjungalla
(Nungalla)
56
NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
(4) Maluuru tribe.
The names of the moieties have been lost. There are
distinct sub-class names for males and females, those of
the latter being printed in brackets.
Moiety i.
Moiety 2.
Children.
Children.
Tjanama
(Nama)
Tjula
(Nala)
Tjunguri
(Nunguri)
Tjamera
(Nimara)
Tjimit
(Namit)
Tjingalla
(Nungalla)
Tjaliari
(Naliri)
Tjabijin
(Nabijin)
Tjaliari
(Naliri)
Tjamera
(Nimara)
Tjimit
(Namit)
Tjula
(Nala)
Tjunguri
(Nunguri)
Tjabijin
(Nabijin)
Tjanama
(Nama)
Tjingulla
(Nungalla)
(5). Djauan tribe.
The names of the sub-classes are as follows and, in
brackets, I have given those of the corresponding ones in
the Warramunga tribe. The names of the moieties are
lost.
Moiety i.
Moiety 2.
Gnaritjban (Thapanunga)
Waidba (Tjupila)
Pulainba (Tjunguri)
Kungilla (Thungalla)
Palieringba (Tjapeltjeri)
Kamara (Nakomara)
Pungaringba (Thapungarti)
Wamut (Tjambin)
11 ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 57
The intermarrying sub-classes and those of the children
are represented in the following table. In this tribe the
men and women have not, apparently, got distinct sub-
class names.
Moiety i.
Moiety 2.
Children.
Children.
Guaritjban
Waidba
Kungilla
Pungaringba
Kamara
Pulainba
Palieringba
Wamut
Palieringba
Kamara
Pulainba
Waidba
Pungaringba
Wamut
Gnaritjban
Kungilla
In the Djauan tribe pairs of sub-classes such as
Gnaritjban and Pungaringba or Waidba and Kumara
certain of the individual members of which stand to one
another in the relationship of fathers and children, are
called Kumuranban.
(6). Yungman tribe.
The names of the sub-classes are as follows and,
in brackets, I have given those of the corresponding ones
in the Djauan tribe. The names of the moieties are lost.
Moiety i.
Moiety 2.
Uanai (Gnaritjban)
Urella (Waidba)
Imit (Pulainba)
Yungalla (Kungilla)
Ualeri (Palieringba)
Inmirra (Kamara)
Uunguri (Pangaringba)
Tjabidjin (Wamut)
58 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
The intermarrying sub-classes and those of the children
are as represented in the following table. In this tribe
the men and women have distinct sub-class names, those
of the latter being placed in brackets.
Moiety i.
Moiety 2.
Children.
Children.
Uanai
(Imbanai)
Urella
(Imburella)
Uunguri
(Inbunguri)
Inmirra
(Ingangmirra)
Imit
(Imidenni)
Yungalla
(Ingungalla)
Ualeri
(Imbaleri)
Tjabidjin
(Tjabidai)
Ualeri
(Imbaleri)
Inmirra
(Ingangmirra)
Imit
(Imidenni)
Urella
(Imburella)
Uunguri
(Inbunguri)
Tjabidjin
(Tjabidai)
Uanai
(Imbanai)
Yungalla
(Ingungalla)
A Uanai man marries an Imburella woman and their
children are Uunguri if boys and Inbunguri if girls.
A Urella man marries an Imbanai woman and their
children are Inmirra if boys, and Ingangmirra if girls.
(7) Mungarai Tribe.
The names of the moieties are retained. Those of the
sub-classes are as follows and, in brackets, I have given
the corresponding ones of the Djauan tribe.
Moiety i.— Nakarangua.
Moiety 2.— Ngaballana.
Ngaritjbellan (Gnaritjban)
Ngarburella (Waidba)
NgabuUan (Pulainba)
Ngangiella (Kungilla)
Ngapalieri (Palieringba)
Nakomara (Kamara)
Ngapungari (Pungarongba)
Tjabijin (Wamut)
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 59
The inter-marrying sub-classes and those of the
children are as represented in the following table :
Moiety i. —
Makarangua.
Moiety 2.—
Ngaballana.
Children.
Children.
Ngaritjbellan
Ngaburella
Ngapungari
Nakomara
NgabuUan
Ngangiella
Ngapalieri
Tjabijin
Ngapalieri
Nakomara
Ngabullan
Ngaburella
Ngapungari
Tjabijin
Ngaritjbellan
Ngangiella
A Ngaritjbellan man marries a Ngaburella woman and
their children are Ngapungari. A Ngaburella man marries
a Ngaritjbellan woman and their children are Nakomara.
There is nothing special about these tribes to distin-
guish them, so far as their classificatory systems are con-
cerned, from the great group, extending from Oodnadatta
in the south to Brocks Creek, within 100 miles of the
northern coast line. Eastwards they extend across to the
borderland of Queensland and the coastal ranges fringing
the Gulf of Carpentaria. Westwards they stretch down
the Daly, Katherine, Flora, and Victoria Rivers to the
coast and, probably, extend into the northern parts of
West Australia. Mrs. Bates and Mr. A. R. Brown have
shown that tribes with the four-class system, similar in
essential respects to the southern Arunta and the Warrai,
extend over wide areas in Western Australia. In all these
tribes, descent of the class is counted in the paternal line.
We have previously dealt in detail with the Arunta
and Warramunga Tribes,^ and what we have described in
^ Cf. Native Tribes of Central Australia, Chap. III., and Northern
Tribes of Central Australia, Chap. III., p. 104-132.
6o NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
connection with them holds good, precisely, for the
others.
(b) "Tribes with direct male descent.
(i) Mara Tribe.
This is an example of a group of tribes the organisation
of which was first dealt with by Mr. Gillen and myself.'
We came in contact with some members of it at Borro-
loola on the Gulf of Carpentaria in 1901. During 191 1,
whilst travelling down the Roper River, I again encoun-
tered the tribe, and with the aid of a very intelligent
native, a Mumbali man named Waluunja, was able, after
considerable inquiry, to determine the correspondence of
the sub-classes of this tribe, in which descent, so far as
the actual class name is concerned, is counted in the direct
male line, with those in the adjoining Mungarai tribe, in
which descent is counted in the indirect male line. I was
also able to ascertain the names of the moieties.
These are, as shown in the following table, four class
and no sub-class names.
Table i.
Moiety l. — Muluri.
Moiety 2. — Umbana.
Murungun
Purdal
Mumbali
Kuial
Further inquiry, however, shows that, though there are
no distinct names for them, each class is really divided
into two groups — the equivalents of the sub-classes in the
Arunta and Warramunga. They are, in fact, precisely
similar to the unnamed groups into which each class is
* Spencer and Gillen, The Northern Tribes of Central Australia.
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 6i
divided in the southern half of the Arunta and in the
Warrai tribe.
These can be represented, using the letters a and /3 to
indicate the two divisions of each class, as follows :
Table 2.
Moiety i. — Muluri.
Moiety 2. — Umbana.
Murungun a
Purdal a
Murungun |3
Purdal 0
Mumbali a
Kuial a
Mumbali fi
Kuial 0
When, however, we come to deal with the marriage
relationships and the counting of descent it will be seen
that these are very different from those met with in
adjoining tribes, amongst whom the arrangements are
similar to those amongst the Warramunga. The inter-
marrying groups, which are really the equivalents of sub-
classes, together with those into which the children pass,
can be represented as follows :
Table 3.
Moiety i. —
Muluri.
Moiety 2. —
Umbana.
Children.
Children.
Murungun a
Purdal a
Murungun 0
Purdal 8
Murungun ^
Kuial ^
Murungun u
Kuial 0
Mumbali u
Kuial a
Mumbali /3
Kuial (3
Mumbali (3
Purdal /3
Mumbali a
Purdal ^
62 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
A Murungun a man must marry a Purdal a woman
and their children are Murungun 0. So again a Murun-
gun /3 man must marry a Kuial /8 woman and their
children are Murungun a.
The children of a Murungun man are thus always
Murungun. Some Murungun men marry Purdal and
others Kuial women, the marriage alternating in successive
generations. Thus a Murungun a man marries a Purdal
a woman, but his son, who is Murungun 0, marries a
Kuial /3 woman. The sons in the next generation are
Murungun a and marry, once more, Purdal a women.
The fact of some Murungun and Mumbali men
marrying Purdal and others Kuial women, and vice versa,
was so different from anything in the marriage arrange-
ments in any other Australian tribes known to us that we
spent much time in investigating the matter and making
ourselves as sure as we could on the point. I am glad
to be able now to corroborate our previous conclusions
by means of evidence collected in quite another part of
the tribe from that in which Mr. Gillen and myself
previously worked.
The native, Waluunja, who explained the matter to
me on the Roper River, was one of the most intelligent
aboriginals whom I have met ; he had also a very fair
knowledge of English. The contrast between him and
other old men from whom I was, at the same time,
attempting to get information on the organisation of the
tribes was most striking and made me feel more than
ever convinced that matters such as the division of
the tribe into intermarrying groups could very well be
the result of the deliberate thinking out of a scheme on
the part of certain members of the tribe more highly
gifted than the common run. The scheme by means of
which the divisions, Murungun a, ^, etc., are made to fit
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 63
in with the sub-classes of the Mungarai and other tribes
with which the Mara come into contact, is at all events
both a deliberate and ingenious device, and reveals very
considerable powers of reasoning and organising. It can
be represented in the following table in which the names
of the equivalent sub-classes in the Mungarai Tribe are
placed in brackets : —
Table 4.
Moiety i. —
Muluri.
Moiety 2. —
Umbana.
Children.
Children.
Murungun 0
(Ngaritjbellan)
Purdal u
(Ngaburella)
Murungfun ^
(Ngapungari)
Purdal /3
(Nakomara)
Murungun j3
(Ngapungari)
Kuial P
(Tjabijin)
Murungun a
(Ngaritjbellan)
Kuial a
(Ngangiella)
Mumbali u
(NgabuUan)
Kuial a
(Ngangiella)
Mumbali /3
(Ngapalieri)
Kuial a
(Tjabijin)
Mumbali ^
(Ngapalieri)
Purdal 0
(Nakomara)
Mumbali a
(NgabuUan)
Purdal a
(Ngaburella)
This means that the class Murungun, for example, is
divided into two groups, which are regarded, respectively,
as the equivalents of the sub-classes Ngaritjbellan and
Ngapungari in the Mungarai Tribe. We have already
seen that the children of Murungun a men pass into the
division Murungun /9, which is just the same thing as in
the Mungarai, where the children of Ngaritjbellan men
are Ngapungari, and vice versA. So, again, Murungun a
men marry Purdal a and Murungun ^ men marry Kuial
^ women. Now, under the scheme devised, Purdal a
women are the equivalents of Ngaburella and Kuial /S of
Tjabijin women in the Mungarai Tribe. Murungun a
men are the same as Ngaritjbellan and they must marry
64
NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Ngaburella women, while Murungun /3, who are the
equivalents of Ngapungari, must marry Tjabijin.
(2) Nullakun Tribe.
In essential features this tribe agrees with the Mara.
It has retained the moiety names and has also four class
but no sub-class names. In the following table the equiva-
lent names in the Mara tribe are given in brackets : —
Table i.
Moiety l. — Ballakninni.
Moiety 2. -Kokwa.
Jobal (Murungun)
Ulakaraninni (Purdal)
Mangaralli (Mumbali)
Gindar (Kuial)
As in the Mara tribe, each class is really divided into
two, though there are no names for these, which are the
strict equivalents of sub-classes. Using the letters a and
jS to indicate these, the intermarrying groups and those
into which the children pass can be represented as
follows : —
Table 3.
Moiety i. —
Ballakninni.
Moiety 2. —
Kokwa.
Children.
Children.
Jobal a
Ulakarininni a
Jobal 0
Ulakarininni (3
Jobal /3
Gindar ^
Jobal a
Gindar a
Mangaralli a
Gindar a
Mangaralli fi
Gindar ^
Mangaralli /3
Ulakarininni 0
Mangaralli a
Ulakarininni a
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 65
Where the NuUakun tribe comes Into contact with the
Mungarai and others having the eight sub-class system,
the same plan is adopted to allow the two organisations
to work side by side, which has already been described
in dealing with the Mara tribe.
In the following tables the relationship terms are given
amongst a typical series. of tribes.
TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP TERMS.— LARAKIA TRIBE
(Man Speaking.)
English Terms included
Actual Relationship in
wholly or partly in
Native Term. English Terms.
the Native Term.
Nurdung .
. Father ....
. Father
Father's brother .
. Uncle
Mother's sister's husband
. Uncle
Kudung .
. Father's brother's wife .
. Aunt
Nurdia
. Father's father
Grandfather
Father's father's elder broth
er . Great uncle
Ngoak
. Father's father's younger brother Great uncle
AUadik or
. Father's father's wife .
Grandmother
Almuk
Nimerk .
. Father's father's father
Great grandfather
Kudung
. Father's father's mother
Great grandmother
Almerk
. Father's father's father's sisi
er . Great great aunt
Nurdia
. Father's elder brother's son
. Cousin
Ngoak
. Father's younger brother's son . Cousin
Kudung
. Mother .
. Mother
Mother's sister
. Aunt
AUap
. Mother's mother .
. Grandmother
Unyai
. Mother's elder brother .
Uncle
Imurburra
. Mother's brother's son .
. Cousin
Nurdia
. Mother's elder sister's son
. Cousin
Ngoak
. Mother's younger sister's so
n . Cousin
Nurdia
. Elder brother
. Brother
Ngoak
. Younger brother .
. Brother
AUadik
. Elder brother's wife
. Sister-in-law
Younger brother's wife
Nimerk
. Brother's son .
. Nephew
Almerk
. Brother's daughter
. Niece
Kudung
. Brother's son's wife
Ngoak
. Brother's son's son
AUadik
. Brother's son's son's wife
' It is the Unya man who says to his nugunyi " you may have my
daughter as alladik when she is born." Betrothal often, indeed usually,
takes place before birth and the youth, from the betrothal onwards, gives
spears, womeras, food, etc., to his prospective father-in-law.
F
66
NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
English Terms incluc
Actual Relationship in
wholly or partly in
Native Term.
English Terms.
the Native Term.
Nugunyi .
. Brother's daughter's husband .
Unmull
. Elder sister .
bister
Nguluk .
. Younger sister
. Sister
Ngan
. Sister's husband .
Brother-in-law
Nugunyi
. Sister's husband's father
*■ Nugunyi .
. Sister's son
. Nephew
AUgunyi .
. Sister's daughter .
Niece
Mitt-mitt
. Elder sister's son's son
All-it-mitt
. Elder sister's son's daught
er
Nimerk
Son
Son.
Brother's son .
. Nephew.
Kudung .
. Son's wife
. Daughter-in-law
Ngoak
. Son's son
. Grandson.
Alladik
Son's son's wife
Nimerk .
. Son's son's son
. Great grandson
Almerk .
. Daughter
. Daughter
Nugunyi .
. Daughter's husband
. Son-in-law
Mitt-mitt .
. Daughter's son
. Grandson
All-it-mitt
Daughter's daughter .
. Granddaughter
Alladik .
. Wife . . .
. . Wife
Wife's sister .
. Sister-in-law
Unya
Wife's father .
. Father-in-law
Wife's father's brother .
AUap
. Wife's mother
. Mother-in-law
Wife's mother's sister .
TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP TERMS.— LARAKIA TRIBE.
(Woman Speaking.)
Nurdung . . Father ....
Father's brother .
Mother's sister's husband .
Brother's wife's father .
Nurdla . Elder brother
Father's elder brother's son
Ngoak . . Younger brother ....
Father's younger brother's son .
Kudung . Mother
Mother's sister ....
Almuk . . Elder sister
Father's elder brother's daughter
Mother's sister's daughter .
Aluk . . . Younger sister ....
Father's younger brother's
daughter
Mother's younger sister's daughter
Ngei . . . Son
Sister's son ....
Son's son's son
Husband's father .
Husband's father's brother .
Father
Uncle
Uncle
Brother
Cousin
Brother
Cousin
Mother
Aunt
Sister
Cousin
Cousin
Sister
Cousin
Cousin
Son
Nephew
Great grandson
11 ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 67
Actual Relationship in
Native Term. English Termb.
Ngei . . . Husband's brother's son
Husband's father's father's father
Ngeimurk . Son's son
Sister's son's son .
Ngulei . . Daughter
Sister's daughter .
AUing . . Husband's mother
Husband's mother's sister
Husband's father's brother's wife
Alio . . Husband's mother's mother
Ngan . . Husband
Husband's brother
Husband's father's father
Husband's father's brother's son
Alladju . Daughter's daughter
Sister's daughter's daughter
All-it-mitt . Daughter's daughter's daughter
Sister's daughtei-'s daughter's
daughter
English Terms included
wholly or partly in
the Native Term.
Grandson
Daughter
Niece
Mother-in-law
Granddaughter
Great granddaughter
TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP TERMS.— WORGAIT TRIBE.
(Man Speaking.)
Boppa
. Father
Father
Father's brother .
Uncle
Mother's sister's husband .
Uncle
Kallung .
. Mother .
Mother
Father's brother's wife .
Aunt
Brother's sister
Aunt
Father's father's mother
Great grandmother
Guga
Father's father
Grandfather
Father's father's brother
Son's son
Grandson
Brother's son's son
Ngungaran
. Wife
Wife
Brother's wife
Sister-in-law
Mother's brother's daughter
Cousin
Brother's son's son's wife .
Son's son's wife
Father's father's wife .
Father's brother's father's
father's wife
,
Djemming
. Father's father's father
Great grandfather
Mother's mother's mother .
Great grandmother
Kukka .
. Mother's brother .
Uncle
Wife's father ...
Father-in-law
Wife's father's brother .
Ngaiyi
Daughter . . . .
Daughter
Brother's daughter
Niece
Fathei-'s fathei-'s father's sister
NgambuUa
. Elder brother
Brother
F 2
68
NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Actual Relationship in
Native Term.
English I'erms.
NgambuUa
Father's elder brother's son
Mother's elder sister's son
Ngambulluk (o
■ Younger brother ....
Balluk)
Father's younger brother's son .
Mother's younger sister's son
Ngamballuk
Elder sister .
Mother's elder sister's son .
Wife's mother's elder brother's son
Ngunga .
Mother's brother's son .
Niya
Son ....
Brother's son .
Kallung .
Brother's son's wife
Son's wife ...
Balluk . .
Younger sister
Wife's mother's younger
brother's daughter
Sister's husband .
Naidjinga
Sister's son ...
Sister's husband's father
Daughter's husband
Nirung
Sister's daughter's daughter
Wife's mother's mother's brother
Niedjum
Son's son
Ngaidjim .
Daughter's daughter
Ngaiwan .
Wife's mother
Koppa
Wife's mother's brother
Mukkung
Wife's mother's mother
English Terms included
wholly or partly in
the Native Term.
Cousin
Cousin
Brother
Cousin
Cousin
Sister
Cousin
Cousin
Son
Nephew .
Daughter-in-law
Sister
Brother-in-law
Nephew
Son-in-law
Grandson
Granddaughter
Mother-in-law
TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP TERMS.— WORGAIT TRIBE
(Woman Speaking.)
Boppa
Father
Father
Father's brother
Uncle
Mother's sister's husband .
Uncle
Ngambulla
. Elder brother
Brother
Father's elder brother's son
Cousin
Balluk
. Younger brother ....
Brother
Father's younger brother's son .
Cousin
Younger sister ....
Sister
Mother'syoungersister'sdaughter
Niece
Kallung
Mother
Mother
Mother's sister
Aunt
Mukkun .
. Mother's mother . v . .
Grandmother
Djemming
. Mother's mother's mother .
Great grandmother
Kakaballuk
. Mother's brother ....
Uncle
Husband's father ....
Father-in-law
Husband's father's brother .
Ngungaran
. Husband
Husband
Husband's brother
Brother-in-law
Mother's brother's son .
Cousin
Sister's husband .
Brother-in-law
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 69
English Terms included
Actual Relationship in wholly or partly in
Native Term. English Terms. the Native Term.
Ngatja Elder sister Sister
Mother's elder sister's daughter . Cousin
Ngadja Son Son
Sister's son . Nephew
Husband's brother's son . Nephew
Niya . . Son Son
Husband's sister's son Nephew
Ngaradja . Daughter .... Daughter
Sister's daughter . . Niece
Husband's brother's daughter . Niece
Ngawerk . Daughter's daughter . . Granddaughter
Sister's daughter's daughter .
Ngadjim . Daughter's daughter's daughter . Great granddaughter
Djemming- Husband's mother's mother
balluk Husband's father's father .
Naninballuk . Husband's mother's sister
TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP TERMS.— PORT ESSINGTON
TRIBE.
(Man Speaking.)
Purni
Father .
Father
Father's brother
Uncle
Wulko
Elder brother
Brother
Father's elder brother's son
Cousin
Mother's elder sister's son .
Cousin
Munburtj .
. Younger brother .
Brother
Father's younger brother's son
Cousin
Mother's younger sister's son
Cousin
Ngawin
Son .
Son
Brother's son .
Nephew
Daughter
Daughter
Brother's daughter
Niece
Father's father's father's sister .
Wulko
Elder sister
Sister
Father's elder brother's daughter
Cousin
Mother's elder sister's daughter
Cousin
Munburtj
. Younger sister
Father's younger brother's
Sister
daughter
Niece
Mother's younger sister's daughter
Niece
Kamu
Mother
Mother
Father's brother's wife .
Aunt
Mother's sister
Aunt
Father's fathei-'s mother
Son's wife
Daughter-in-law
Brother's son's wife
Wonwu
Father's father
Grandfather
Father's father's brother
Great uncle
70
NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Actual Relationship in
Native Term. English Terms.
Angban (or II- Wife . . . ■
kuma) ' Wife's sister ....
Mother's brother's daughter
Brother's wife
Father's father's wife .
Son's son's wife
Brother's son's son's wife
Daughter's daughter .
Father's father
Mother's mother .
Son's son's son
Son's son's daughter
Mother's mother's mother
Mother's brother .
Wife's father .
Wife's father's brother .
Sister's son
Sister's daughter .
Sister's husband's father
Daughter's husband
Wife's mother's brother's son
Mother's brother's son .
Wife's father's father
Wife's mother's mother
Wife's mother's mother's brother
Ngawin . Wife's mother
Wife's mother's sister .
Maia-maia
Wiwi
Nandulang
Gadja (or Un-
burran) ^
Kanyung .
Kumbala .
WuUupuUu
Pappam .
English Terms included
wholly or partly in
the Native Term.
Wife
Sister-in-law
Cousin
Sister-in-law
Granddaughter
Grandfather
Grandmother
Great grandson
Great granddaughter
Great grandmother
Uncle
Father-in-law
Nephew
Niece
Son-in-law
Nephew
Mother-in-law
TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP TERMS.— PORT ESSINGTON
TRIBE.
(Woman Speaking.)
Purni
. Father
Father
Father's brother
Uncle
Wawa
Father's father
Grandfather
Wulko
Elder brother
. Brother
Father's elder brother's son
Cousin
Munburtj
Younger brother
. Brother
Father's younger brother's son
Cousin
Kamu
Mother
Mother
Mother's sister
. Aunt
Mother's brother .
Uncle
' Angban is the general term for mother's brother's daughters, all of
whom are eligible as wives to a man except the daughters of his mother's
actual blood brothers. Ilkuma is the name applied to the actual woman
or women a man marries. Before marriage he calls them angban.
2 Gadja is the general term for mother's brother or wife's father ;
unburran is a special term applied to the father of a woman whom a
man actually marries.
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 71
Native Term.
Ilkutna
Ngaiyang
Nanduwir-
aitpan
Ngawin
Wiwi
WullupuUu
Actual Relationship in
English Terms.
Husband ....
Husband's brother
Sister's husband .
Son
Sister's son
Daughter ....
Sister's daughter .
Husband's brother's son
Husband's father .
Husband's father's brother .
Husband's mother
Husband's mother's sister
Daughter's daughter
Daughter's daughter's daughter
English Terms included
wholly or partly in
the Native Term.
Husband
Brother-in-law
Brother-in-law
Son
Nephew
Daughter
Niece
Nephew
Father-in-law
Mother-in-law
Granddaughter
Great granddaughter
TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP TERMS.— MELVILLE ISLAND
TRIBE.
Narangani
Yayuwinni
Jauaminni
Mau-win-inni
Yangaringa
Namaninga
Illimani (or
Yanarinua) '
Yamoaniya
(Man Speaking.)
Father
Father's brother
Brother .
Father's brother's son
Mother's sister's son
Mother's brother's son
Wife's brother
Father's father
Father's father's brother
Mother ...
Father's brother's wife .
Mother's sister
Son's wife
Brother's son's wife
Father's father's mother
Mother's mother .
Mother's brother
Wife's father
Wife's father's brother .
Wife 2 ....
Wife's sister .
Mother's brother's daughter
Brother's wife
Father
Uncle
Brother
Cousin
Cousin
Cousin
Brother-in-law
Grandfather
Great uncle
Mother
Aunt
Aunt
Daughter-in-law
Great grandmother
Granddaughter
Uncle
Father-in-law
Wife
Sister-in-law
Cousin
Sister-in-law
' The general term for fathers of women whom a man may marry is
illimani.
^ The general term for the women whom it is lawful for a man to
marry is yamoaniya. After the woman has actually been banded over to
a man the term he applies to her is yabmurteinga.
NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Native Term.
Yamoaniya
Intamilli .
Inkalippa '
Impunga .
Itnbokka .
Namiranni
Yamurdi .
Ngangyurminni
Ngauraninga .
Ngauamurdi .
Ngauamarinya
Mananya .
Yamparinna .
Yunganpuranna
Auamma .
Jaraminni
Actual Relationship in
English Terms.
Father's father's wife .
Son's son's wife
Brother's son's son's wife .
Father's father's father
Sister ....
Father's brother's daughter
Mother's sister's daughter .
Elder sister
Father's elder brother's daughter
Mothers elder sister's daughter .
Younger sister ....
Father's younger brother's
daughter
Mother's younger sister's
daughter
Son ... ...
Brother's son ....
Wife's mother's brother
Son's son
Son's son's son ....
Daughter
Brother's daughter
Sister's husband's father
Sister's son ...
Daughter's husband
Sister's daughter .
Daughter's daughter
Daughter's daughter's daughter .
Wife's mother
Wife's mother's mother
Wife's mother's mother's brother
English Terms included
wholly or partly in
the Native Term.
Great grandmother
Great grandfather
Sister
Cousin
Cousin
Sister
Cousin
Cousin
Sister
Cousin
Cousin
Son
Nephew
Grandson
Great grandson
Daughter
Niece
Nephew
Son-in-law
Niece
Granddaughter
Great granddaughter
Mother in-law
TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP TERMS.-
TRIBES.
(Woman Speaking.)
-MELVILLE ISLAND
Narangani
. Father ...
Father
Father's brother . . . .
Uncle
Mother's sister's husband .
Uncle
Brother's wife's father .
Yayuwinni
. Brother .
Brother
Father's brother's son
Cousin
Mother's sister's son
Cousin
Yangaringa
. Mother .
Mother
Mother's sister
Aunt
Impunga .
. Elder sister ....
Sister
Mother's elder sister's daughter .
Niece
' This term is applied to sisters in general, but there are also the
special terras for elder and younger sisters, etc.
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 73
English Terms included
Actual Relationship in
wholly or partly in
Native Term.
English Terms.
the Native Term.
Imbokka .
Younger sister ....
Sister
Mother's younger sister's daughter
Niece
Murdi
Son . . . .
Son
Sister's son
Nephew
Husband's brother's son
Nephew
Imauringa
Daughter
Daughter
Sister's daughter .
Niece
Yabmuneinga
Husband
Husband
Sister's husband .
Brother-in-law
Husband's brother
Brother-in-law
Husband's father's brother's son
Illimanni
Husband's father .
Husband's father's brother
Father-in-law
Djimiindinga
Husband's mother
Mother-in-law
Husband's mother's sister .
Husband's father's brother's wife
Yanamma
Husband's father's father .
Mauanyinni
Husband's father's sister's son .
Mauannia
Husband's father's sister's
daughter
Namiraninga
Father's sister
Aunt
Brother's daughter
Niece
Mauanyinni
Father's siste?s son
Cousin
Auwumma
Father's sister's daughter
Cousin
Namaninga
Mother's mother .
Grandmother
Nauangaringa
Mother's mother's mother .
Great grandmother
Yenierninga
Brother's wife
Sister-in-law
Undunganinga
Husband's father's sister
Kanguri .
Husband's mother's brother
Namiranni
Husband's sister's son .
Nephew
TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP TERMS.— DJAUAN TRIBE.
(Man Speaking.)
Adjat
. Father .
Father
Father's brother .
Uncle
Fathei-'s father's father
Great grandfather
Karang
Mother .
. Mother
Father's brother's wife .
Aunt
Mother's sister
. Aunt
Father's father's mother
Great grandmother
Son's wife
Daughter-in-law
Brother's son's wife
Mora
. Father's father
Grandfather
Father's father's brother
Son's son
Grandson
Noa .
. Wife . .
Wife
Brother's wife
Sister-in-law
Son's son's wife
Father's father's wife .
Grandmother
Brother's son's son's wife
74
NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Actual Relationship in
Native Term.
English Terms.
Kakak
Mother's mother .
Kainya
Mother's brother .
Tjarimungin or
Mother's brother's son
Tjamun
Mother's brother's daughter
Daughter's daughter .
Baba .
Elder brother
Father's elder brother's son
Mother's elder sister's son .
Buruwa
Younger brother ....
Father's younger brother's son .
Mother's younger sister's son
Baba .
Elder sister . . . .
Father's elder brother's daughter
Mother's elder sister's daughter .
Buruwa
Younger sister
Father's younger brother's
daughter
Mother'syoungersister's daughter
Kumbarimba .
Son
Brother's son . . . .
Borbor
Daughter
Brother's daughter
Father's father's father's sister .
Paratta .
Sister's son ...
Sister's husband's father
Daughter's husband
Walnagung
Wife's father .
Kainguri .
Wife's mother
Wife's mother's brother
Wife's mother's sister .
AUauitpo
Wife's father's mother
Nautjpa .
Wife's father's father .
English Terms included
wholly or partly in
the Native Term.
Grandmother
Uncle
Nephew
Niece
Granddaughter
Brother
Cousin
Cousin
Brother
Cousin
Cousin
Sister
Niece
Niece
Sister
Niece
Niece
Son
Nephew
Daughter
Niece
Nephew
Son-in-law
Father-in-law
Mother-in-law
TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP TERMS.— DJAUAN TRIBE.
Adjat
Mora
Baba .
Buruwa
(Woman Speaking.)
Father . . . Father
Father's brother .... Uncle
Father's father . . . Grandfather
Elder brother .... Brother
Father's elder brother's son . Cousin
Mother's elder sister's son Cousin
Elder sister ... . Sister
Father's elder brother's daughter Cousin
Mother's elder sister's daughter . Cousin
Younger brother . . . Brother
Father's younger brother's son . Cousin
Mother's younger sister's son Cousin
Younger sister .... Sister
Father's younger brother's
daughter Cousin
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 75
Native Term.
Actual Relationship in
Englisli Terms.
Englisli Terms included
wholly or partly in
the Native Term.
Buruwa
Karang
. Mother'syoungersister'sdaughter
Mother
Cousin
Mother
Mother's sister
Aunt
Kakak
. Mother's mother
Grandmother
Son's son
Grandson
Tjonwalk
Ngagung .
. Brother's son .
. Son ....
Sister's son
Nephew
Son
Nephew
Daughter
Sister's daughter .
Husband's brother's son
Daughter
Niece
Nephew
Noai
. Husband
Husband
Husband's elder brother
Brother-in-law
Husband's father's elder
brother's son
Tjamung .
. Husband's younger brother
Husband's father's younger
brother's son
Brother-in-law
Kabung .
Walnagung
Daughter's daughter
. Husband's father ....
Husband's father's brother
Granddaughter
Father-in-law
Kanguri
. Husband's mother
Mother-in-law
Husband's mother's sister
Mamam .
Husband's mother's mother
TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP TERMS.-MUNGARAI TRIBE.
(Man Speaking.)
Ngaburda . Father ... . .
Father's elder brother .
Mother's elder sister's husband .
Ngabirandu Father's younger brother
Mother's younger sister's husband
Ngulangnunyi ^ Mother ...
Mother's sister
Father's father's mother
Son's wife ....
Brother's son's wife
Ngulamimi . Mother's elder sister
Mother's mother's mother
Ngulabubba Mother's younger sister
Ngalangnanyi . Father's father
Father's father's brother
Ngulakatu- Father's father's wife .
kugandu (or Son's son's wife
Father
Uncle
Uncle
Uncle
Uncle
Mother
Aunt
Great grandmother
Daughter-in-law
Aunt
Great grandmother
Aunt
Grandfather
Great uncle
Great grandmother
' If a man dies his wife passes to a noa, but not to a tjamung.
^ This term is applied indiscriminately to the mother and all her
sisters, blood and tribal.
76
NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Native Term.
Ngulakun-
gambula) '
Birandu (or
Abiringnvia)
Ngulabirandu .
Ngulababba
Murrimurri
Abiringniranu
Ngaiana
Ngaiabba
Ngulagurguk
Ngagung .
Naminjerri
Murriwanula
Ngaidjeya (or
Nullamimi)
Ngulaidjeya
Nadjammainua
Ngula-
ambuluka
Ngulamairandu
Ngulakundji
Ngakundji
Ngulamarik
Jap-jap .
Ngulakukkuk .
Actual Relationship in
English Terms.
Brother's son's son's wife
Wife
Brother's wife
Son
Brother's son
Daughter . . . .
Brother's daughter
Sister ....
Father's brother's daughter
Mother's sister's daughter .
Father's father's father
Father's father's father's sister
Elder brother
Father's elder brother's son
Mother's elder sister's son
Younger brother
Father's younger brother's son
Mother's younger sister's son
Mother's mother .
Mother's brother .
Mother's brother's son
Mother's brother's daughter
Son's son ....
Brother's son's son
Wife's father .
Sister's husband .
Daughter's husband
Sister's daughter .
Son's son's son
Daughter's daughter
Daughter's daughter's daughter
Wife's mother
Wife's mother's brother
Wife's mother's brother's
daughter
Wife's father's father
Wife's father's father's wife .
English Terms included
wholly or partly in
the Native Term.
Wife
Sister-in-law
Son
N ephe w
Daughter
Niece
Sister
Cousin
Cousin
Great grandfather
Brother
Cousin
Cousin
Brother
Cousin
Cousin
Grandmother
Uncle
Cousin
Cousin
Grandson
Father-in-law
Brother-in-law
Son-in-law
Niece
Great grandson
Granddaughter
Great granddaughter
Mother-in-law
TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP TERMS.— MUNGARAI TRIBE.
(Woman Speaking.)
Ngaburda
Father .
. Father
Father's brother .
. Uncle
Mother's sister's husband
Uncle
Ngulangnunyi .
Mother .
Mother
Mother's sister
Aunt
' The usual term applied by a man to his wife is Ngulakatukugandu.
If he has more than one wife he calls the older one Ngulakatukugandu
ngaballa and the younger one N^ulakatukugandti nadttja.
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 77
Actual Relationship in
Native Term. English Terms.
Ngaiana . . Elder brother
Father's elder brother's son
Mother's elder sister's son .
Ngaiabba . Younger brother .
Father's younger brother's son .
Mother's younger sister's son
Ngulagurguk . Mother's mother .
Ngulamimi . Mother's mother's mother .
Ngulababba Sister
Mother's sister's daughter .
Birandu (or Brother's son .
Ngabirandu) Husband's sister's son .
Ngulabirandu . Brother's daughter
Husband's sister's daughter
Ngulajeya . Sister's daughter .
Kallunbun . Husband
Husband's brother
Sister's husband ....
Husband's father's brother's son
Ngaijeya . Son
Husband's brother's son
Sister's son
Husband's father .
Husband's father's brother
Ngulajeya . Daughter
Sister's daughter .
Ngulagundji . Husband's mother
Husband's mother's sister
Husband's father's brother's wife
English Terms included
wholly or partly in
the Native Term.
Brother
Nephew
Nephew
Brother
Nephew
Nephew
Grandmother
Great grandmother
Sister
Cousin
Nephew
Nephew
Niece
Niece
Niece
Husband
Brother-in-law
Brother-in-law
Son
Nephew
Nephew
Father-in-law
Daughter
Niece
Mother-in-law
TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP TERMS— NULLAKUN TRIBE
(Man Speaking.)
Morquoll . . Father
Father's brother .
Mother's sister's husband .
Maina . . Mother ....
Father's brother's wife
Mother's sister
Father's father's mother
Son's wife
Brother's son's wife
Durdu . Father's father
Father's father's brother
Tjugopuiri . Father's father's wife .
Father's father's brother's wife
Wife . .
Brother's wife
Son's son's wife
Brother's son's son's wife
Father
Uncle
Uncle
Mother
Aunt
Aunt
Great grandmother
Daughter-in-law
Grandfather
Great-uncle
Great-grandmother
Great-aunt
Wife
Sister-in-law
78
NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Actual Relationship in
Native Term. English Terms.
Iraningi . . Father's father's father
Tjukangini . Daughter ....
Father's father's father's sister
Boipu . . Elder brother
Father's elder brother's son
Mother's elder sister's son .
Gwalin . . Younger brother .
Father's younger brother's son
Mother's younger sister's son
Tjukorkor . Mother's mother .
Tjuappa . . Sister ....
Father's brother's daughter
Mother's sister's daughter
Nukaitka . . Mother's brother .
Djaming . . Mother's mother's mother
Tjukinda . . Mother's brother's daughter
Nukinda . . Mother's brother's son
Tjokangini . Wife's father
Sister's husband's father
Sister's son
Sister's daughter .
Daughter's husband
Wife's father's brother
Nokangini . Son ....
Brother's son .
Murdungini . Son's son
Thangimini . Son's son's son
Tjumurungini . Daughter's daughter .
Hading , . Daughter's daughter's daughter
Balaknini . Wife's mother
Brother's wife's mother
Nuanaiya . . Wife's mother's brother's son
Nojamin . Wife's father's father .
Niyappi . Wife's father's father's father
MorquoU . Father
Father's brother ....
Mother's sister's husband
Boipu . . Father's father ....
Maina . . Mother ...
Mother's sister ....
Nokaka . Brother ....
Father's brother's son .
Mother's sister's son
Tjuappa . . Sister
Father's brother's daughter
Mother's sister's daughter
Nokangini . Son
Sister's son
Husband's father .
Husband's father's brother
Husband's brother's son
Tjugokangini . Daughter
English Terms included
wholly or partly in
the Native Term.
Great-grandfather
Daughter
Brother
Nephew
Nephew
Brother
Nephew
Nephew
Grandmother
Sister
Niece
Niece
Uncle
Great-grandmother
Cousin
Cousin
Father-in-law
Nephew
Niece
Son-in-law
Son
Nephew
Grandson
Great-grandson
Granddaughter
Great-granddaughter
Father
Uncle
Uncle
Grandfather
Mother
Aunt
Brother
Cousin
Cousin
Sister
Cousin
Cousin
Son
Cousin
Father-in-law
Nephew
Daughter
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 79
Native Term.
Tjugokangini .
Nokopungini .
Tjupalukmudji.
Kaupungini
Actual Relationship in
English Terms.
Sister's daughter .
Husband ....
Husband's brother
Husband's father's brother's
Husband's mother
Husband's mother's sister .
Husband's sister .
English Terms included
wholly or partly in
the Native Term.
Niece
Husband
Brother-in-law
Mother-in-law
Sister-in-law
TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP TERMS.— KAKADU TRIBE.
(Man Speaking.)
Papa .
Father ... . .
Father
Father's brother ....
Uncle
Kaga
Father's father ....
Grandfather ,
Father's father's brother
Great uncle
Pulupurlumba
Father's father's father
Great grandfather
Son's son's son
Great grandson
Mother's mother's mother .
Great grandmother
Mother's mother's mother's sisters
Daughter's daughter's daughter .
Great granddaught(
Brother's daughter's daughter .
Baranga .
Elder brother ....
Brother
Father's elder brother's son
Cousin
Nullaberri
Younger brother ....
Brother
Father's younger brother's son .
Cousin
Ngoornberri
Son ... ...
Son
Brother's son
Nephew
Nabumobunong
Son's son
Grandson
Brother's son's son
Koiyu
Mother . . . . .
Mother
Mother's sister
Aunt
Kaka
Mother's mother ....
Grandmother
Mother's mother's sisters
Great aunts
Peipi .
Mother's father
Grandfather
Makorngo
Elder sister
Sister
Father's elder brother's daughter
Cousin
lllaberri .
Younger sister
Father's younger brother's
Sister
daughter
Cousin
Mapa (or Maba)
Elder or younger sistei-'s daughter
Niece
Elder or younger sister's son
Nephew
Wife's brother's daughter .
Wife's brother's son
Ngungornberri
Daughter
Daughter
Brother's daughter
Niece
Mapeinga
Daughter's daughter .
Granddaughter
Brother's daughter's daughter .
Ngunkomukali
Wife . . . . •
Wife
Wife's younger sister
Sister-in-law
8o
NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Native Term.
Keerli
Yinbaiinmunga
Padierli
Admairinginji .
Jaidja
Kopeinga .
Komapa
Parieli
Muraguji .
Ngeila, or
Ngaila
Actual Relationship in
English Terms.
Wife's father ....
Wife's father's brother .
Wife's father's sister
Wife's father's father .
Wife's father's father's father
Wife's elder sister
Mother's brother, elder and
younger
Mother's elder and younger
brother's son
Mother's elder and younger
brother's daughter
Wife's mother ....
Daughter's husband
Wife's brother
Father's sister
Mother's brother's wife
English Terms included
wholly or partly in
the Native Term.
Father-in-law
Sister-in-law
Uncle
Cousin
Cousin
Mother-in-law
Son-in-law
Brother-in-law
Aunt
Aunt
TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP TERMS.— KAKADU TRIBE.
(Woman Speaking.)
Papa .
Father
Father
Father's brother, elder and
Uncle
younger
Kaka
Father's father ....
Grandfather
Mother's mother .
Grandmother
Meimaiimba .
Father's father's father
Great grandfather
Son's son's son
Great grandson
Baranga .
Elder brother
Brother
Father's elder brother's son
Cousin
Mother's elder sister's son
Cousin
NuUaberri
Younger brother .
Brother
Father's younger brother's son .
Cousin
Mother's younger sister's son
Cousin
Mapa
Daughter ....
Daughter
Sister's son ....
Nephew
Son ...
Son
Sister's daughter .
Niece
Husband's brother's son
Nephew
Husband's brother's daughter
Niece
Manga
Son's son
Grandson
Son's daughter
Granddaughter
Father's mother .
Grandmother
Father's mother's sister
Great aunt
Father's mother's brother
Great uncle
Pulupurlumba .
Mother's mother's mother .
Great grandmother
Daughter's daughter's daughter
Great granddaughter
Koiyu
Mother
Mother
Mother's sister, elder and younger
Aunt
Kumambilna
Daughter's daughter
Granddaughter
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 8i
English Terms included
Actual Relationship in
wholly or partly in
Native Term.
English Terms.
the Native Term.
Makomgo
Elder sister . . . .
Sister
Father's elder brother's daughter
Cousin
Mother's elder sister's daughter .
Cousin
Illaberri
Younger sister
Father's younger brother's
Sister
daughter
Cousin
Mother's younger sister'sdaughter
Cousin
Ngeila
Father's sister ....
Aunt
Kopeinga .
Father's sister's son
Cousin
Father's sister's daughter .
Cousin
Mother's brother's son
Cousin
Mother's brother's daughter
Cousin
Jadja .
Mother's brother, elder and
younger
Uncle
Ngoniberri
Brother's son .
Nephew
Yingomberri .
Brother's daughter
Niece
Ngomukali
Husband
Husband
Husband's brother
Brother-in-law
Kobiorkera
Husband's father .
Father-in-law
Husband's father's brother .
Husband's mother
Mother-in-law
Husband's mother's brother
Husband's mother's sister
Oorobiorkero .
Son's wife
Daughter-in-law
Proomapa
Daughter's husband
Son-in-law
Yingbaiing
munga
Husband's father's father .
Yingping-
munga
Husband's father's father's wife .
TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP TERMS.— WADUMAN TRIBE.
(Man Speaking.)
Kadugo
Father
Father
Baba .
Father's brother, elder and
younger
Father's father
Uncle
Grandfather
Father's father's brother
Great uncle
Kagogo
Father's father's father
Mother's mother ....
Great grandfather
Grandmother
Wife's mother's brother's daughter
Wife's mother's brother's son
Son's son's wife
Igeiyu
. Son .
Brother's son .
Son
Nephew
Kaleja
Daughter
Brother's daughter
. Brother, elder and younger
Daughter
Niece
Brother
Father's brother's son
Cousin
Igariu
. Son's son ...
Grandson
Ingarinun
Son's son's son
Great grandson
82
NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Actual Relationship in
Native Term. English Terms.
Kadeding . . Mother
Mother's sister ....
Kamomo . . Mother's brother, elder and
younger
Daughter's husband
Kagung . Father's brother's daughter
Nabubu . Father's father's mother
Pukah . Father's brother's son .
Father's brother's daughter
Inamman . Sister, elder and younger .
Brother's son's daughter
Mother's sister's daughter
Wife's father's father .
Wife's father's son
Wife's father's brother's son
Ingauia . Wife
Elder or younger brother's wife
Brother's son's son's wife
Ingaua . Wife's father . , . .
Wife's father's brother .
Gnauula . Son's wife ....
Brother's son's wife
Dado . . Sister's husband .
Wife's brother
Tjuga . Sister's son ....
Sister's husband's father
Sister's daughter .
Indukal . . Wife's mother
Wife's mother's sister .
Sister's son's wife .
Ijamin . Wife's mother's mother
Wife's mothei-'s mother's brother
Sister's son's son .
Sister's son's daughter .
Sister's daughter's son .
Sister's daughter's daughter
Daughter's son
Daughter's daughter's son
Uuni . Son's son's son
Imbunni . . Son's son's daughter
Igaringun . Daughter's daughter .
Nababin . . Daughter's daughter's daughter
Inallari . Daughter's daughter's husband
Ilumba . . Wife's mother's brother
English Terms included
wholly or partly in
the Native Term.
Mother
Aunt
Uncle
Son-in-law
Cousin
Great grandmother
Cousin
Cousin
Sister
Niece
Wife
Sister-in-law
Father-in-law
Daughter-in-law
Brother-in-law
Brother-in-law
Nephew
Niece
Mother-in-law
Grandson
Great grandson
Great grandson
Great granddaughter
Granddaughter
Great granddaughter
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 83
Status Terms.
In every tribe there are certain status terms which are
applied to different individuals at different times of their
lives. They are as follows : —
(i) Kakadu tribe.
Male.
Female.
1. Baby
2. Young boy
3. Boy, iDefore
BialiUa.
Mulakirri.
Baby .
Young girl
Girl, before
Bialilla.
Yingulakirri.'
mitiation
4. Young man,
after initiation
Ningeri.
Numulakirri.
marriage
Young mar-
ried girl
Kupari medjauer.
Jereiwin.
5. Middle-aged
Middle-
No special name. She
man
Ulanja.
aged
woman
is spoken of as jiron-
gadda Murora, that is
close up to, or getting
on to, Murora.
6. Old man.
Murabulba.
Old woman
Marora.
There is also a special term, Lekerungen, applied to
old men who have seen the Muraian Ceremony. This is
evidently the equivalent of the term Uliara, which is
applied, in the Arunta tribe, to those who have passed
through the Engwura, the final initiation ceremony which
admits the relatively younger men to the ranks of the
old men.
' This same term is applied to the menstrual flow, but the natives said
that it is applied also to girls.
G 2
84
NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
(2) Melville Island tribe.
Male.
I. Baby Kurrijinni, or
Female.
Baby .
Kurrijinni.
(Uru)kurrijinni.
2. Young boy Mallakuninga.
Young girl
AUinga.
3. Young boy dur-
Young girl during
ing his first initi-
first time of pass-
ation ceremony. Marrukumana.
ing through ini-
tiation ceremony
Mikijeruma.
4. Youth during and
Girl during second
after initiation,
time of passing
while passing
through initia-
Miking-
through for the
tion ceremony.
yertinga.
second time . Watjinyerti.
5. Young man while
Young married
passing through
woman
Murrakuburra.
the ceremony for
the third time Mikinyerti.
6. Man with child-
Woman with
ren . . Mikangula.
children
Awirriawi.
7. Old man . . Irula.
Old woman
Perrimaringa.
or Purru-
marina.
8. Very old man Gunmurdi.
Very old woman .
Perrimaringa
intula, or
Purrumarina
intula.
Some of these terms are very much in evidence during
the initiation ceremonies, in fact it was only by vpitness-
ing these that I discovered the status terms for girls,
equivalent to those for boys. The terms Marrukumana
and Mikinyerti for boys and those of Mikijeruma
and Mikingyertinga for girls, seem to be used only
during the actual performance of the ceremony in con-
nection with which they are applied.
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 85
(3) Waduman tribe.
Male.
Female.
I. Baby .
Pudadu
Baby .
Kadjiri.
2. Young boy
Wallung.
Young girl .
Marinian.
3. Boy after cir-
cumcision
Yabba.
4. Youth after
Girl at puberty
Wadil.
subincision
Malu
5. Man with child-
Woman with
ren
Ibuan.
children
Malibi.
6. Old man .
Maluka.
Old woman
Muluru.
(4) Mudburra tribe.
Male.
Female.
Baby
I. Baby . Wunyukoro
Kadjiri
2. Young boy Didja, or Karu
Young girl
Malluguni
3. Boy after cir-
cumcision Wanauru
4. Youth after sub-
Girl at puberty
Wadil
incision Gnaga
5. Man with
Woman with
children . . Logo
children
Malibi
6. Old man . Maluka
Old woman
Muluru
(5) Vort Essington tribe.
Male.
Female.
1. Baby . . Aritjumarin
2. Boy . . Gnauunduitj
3. Initiated youth . Naialpur
4. Young man
married . . Wokung-jarri
5. Older man with
children Wokung-jarri
6. Old man . Balquarakkan
Baby . Warraungi
Girl . . . Bridbilyaju
Married woman . Amadi
Older woman . Alkia
Old woman . Balquarakkan
Very old woman . Uluuk-ulu
86
NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
(6) Larakia tribe.
Male.
Female.
I . Baby and boy .
. Nim
Baby and young
girl . . . Bendla
2. Initiated youth .
3. Man with children
. Belier
. Mullinyu
Girl . . . Manego
Woman with
children . . Minumbunni
4. Old man
. Lariba
Old woman . . Kunura
(7) Worgait tribe.
Male.
Female.
1. Little boy
2. Older boy
3. Initiated youth and
young man .
4. Man with children
5. Old man .
Bambeit
Yerda
Kundein
Barquett
Namyuk
Young girl . Midulung
Older girl . Bidjuokeit
Woman with
children Bonbeitkalung
Old woman Ngabarale
(8) Djauan tribe.
Male.
Female.
I. Little boy
Djoei
Young girl
Warri
2. Older boy
Kommduit
Older girl .
Almeri
3. Initiated youth .
Lagaian
4. Young man
Married woman
Almuga
married
Mungui
5. Man with children
Mungui
Woman with
children
Almuga
6. Old man
Bambula
Old woman
Aljerbo
II ORGANISATION AND MARRIAGE REGULATIONS 87
(9) Nullakun tribe.
Male.
Female.
1. Little boy . . Ngurda
2. Older boy . Ngurda
3. Initiated youth . Bandari
4. Young married man Gewa
5. Man with children . Gewa
6. Old man . . . Noboila
Young girl . Mirparra
Older girl . Gurdi
Married woman . Tjandalei
Old woman Tjuboila
(10) Mungarai tribe.
Male.
Female.
I. Little boy
Wangi
Young girl . . Ngalaurangi
2. Older boy .
Balauminua
Older girl . Ngalamarik
3. Initiated youth .
Wandella
4. Young man
Married woman Ngalanalima
married
Nadiriga
5. Man with
Woman with
children
Nadiriga
children Ngalauiran
6. Old man
Ngabukbuk
Old woman . Ngabukbuk
CHAPTER III
INITIATION CEREMONIES
Division of tribes into three groups according to the nature of
the initiation ceremony. Group I, tribes with neither
circumcision nor subincision. Group 2, tribes with circum-
cision only. Group 3, tribes with circumcision and subin-
cision.— List of the tribes. — Initiation on Melville Island. — ■
Yam ceremony. — Status terms of youths and girls taking
part. — Preparing the ceremonial ground. — Making a special
fire to roast the yams. — Performance of ceremonies and
painting of the performers. — Ducking the initiate in a water
pool. — Pulling out of hair. — Special decorations worn by boys
and girls passing through the ceremony and by the mother of
the boy. — Port Essington tribe. — First ceremony or Nailpur;
second ceremony or Wokunjari. — Kakadu tribe. — First
ceremony or Jamba. — Showing the initiate the Jamba. —
Food restrictions. — Kangaroo ceremony. — Putting belts and
armlets on the initiate. — Removing food restrictions. — Second
ceremony or Ober. — Youths sent out to distant camps to
invite strangers. — Special Tjaina ground. — Kangaroo and
Snake ceremonies. — Third ceremony or Jungoan. — Fourth
ceremony or Kulori, associated with a yam. — "Singing"
different articles of food and so removing the restrictions, —
Fifth ceremony or Muraian. — Performance of ceremonies. —
Sacred objects associated with the Muraian. — Larakia tribe. —
Belier ceremony. — Showing the Bidu-bidu or bull-roarer. —
MuUinyu ceremony. — Worgait tribe. — Kundein ceremony.—
Circumcision. — Baquett ceremony. — Showing the bull-
roarer. — Djauan tribe. — Mindirinni ceremony. — Circumci-
sion.— Showing the Kunapippi or bull-roarer. — Mungai
ceremony. — Mungarai tribe. — Kalal camp and showing sacred
CH. Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 89
ceremonies and the Kunapippi or bull-roarer. — Circumci-
sion.— Wandella status. — Subincision. — Nadiriga status. —
Smoking the nadiriga. — Nullakun tribe. — KokuUal camp at
which ceremonies are performed. — Special stick called Jappa
round which the lubras dance. — Circumcision. — Showing the
Kunapippi or bull-roarer.
So far as initiation is concerned these northern tribes
may be divided into three main groups that are clearly
marked off from one another by the presence or absence
of certain characteristic ceremonies. In all tribes hitherto
described by us, in Central and Northern Central Austra-
lia, the two ceremonies of circumcision and subincision are
carried out, but as the northern coast is approached we
meet with tribes which first of all drop, if they have ever
practised, the rite of subincision, and, lastly, in the very
north and on the Islands, we meet tribes that perform
neither of these ceremonies. In no case is the knocking
out of a tooth in any way connected with initiation. The
three groups are as follows : — ( i ) Those in which neither
circumcision nor subincision is practised. This includes a
number of tribes inhabiting Bathurst and Melville Islands,
the Coburg Peninsula and the country drained by the
East, South and West Alligator Rivers and, probably, also
a large extent of country to the east of this along the
coast line. Amongst these tribes are included the
following : — Melville and Bathurst Island Tribes, Iwaidji,
Kakadu, Koarnbut, Norweilemil, Punuurlu, Kumertuo,
Geimbio, Noalanji and Larakia.
(2) Those in which circumcision only is practised.
This includes a smaller number inhabiting, mainly, country
to the south of that of the first group of tribes, though, in
the case of the Worgait, they extend to the north-west
coast. They are the Worgait, Warrai, Djauan and
Nullakun.
90 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
(3) Those in which both circumcision and subinclsion
are practised. They Inhabit the upland country, inland
from the coastal ranges and extend, on the one hand, right
to the centre of the continent, and, on the other hand,
eastwards to the Gulf of Carpentaria.^ There is no doubt,
also, but that they pass right across into Western Australia.
Amongst them are included the following : — Mungarai,
Yungman, Mudburra, Waduman, Ngainman, Bulinara,
Tjingilli, Mara, Binbinga, etc.
In the following list the names of the more important
tribes of the Northern Territory are given, so far as they
are known at present. They are divided into three
groups, according to the nature of their initiation
ceremonies.^
Group i. — Neither Circumcision nor Subincision.
1. Melville Island. 20. Punuurlu.
2. Bathurst Island. 22. Kumertuo.
21. Iwaidji. 15. Kulunglutji.
14. Kakadu. i7- Geirabio.
18. Koarnbut. 44- Noalanji.
43. Norweilemil (or Lemil). 16. Umoriu.
13. Larakia.
19. Watta.
Group 2. — Circumcision only.
3. Worgait. 6. Mulluk-Mulluk(?).
5. Wulwullam. 7. Brinken(?).
23. Djauan.
26. Nullakun.
4. Warrai.
' We have dealt with several of these tribes in Native Tribes of
Central Australia, p. 212, and Northern Tribes of Central Australia,
p. 328.
2 The approximate distribution of these tribes is shown in map A. The
number opposite each tribe corresponds to the number on the map.
Tribes numbered 1-41 are referred to in this volume.
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 91
Group 3. — Circumcision and Subincision.
45. Dieri. 33. Kallawa.
46. Urabunna. 52. Anula.
47. Wonkgongaru. 35. Karawa.
41. Arunta. 53. Wilingura.
48. Luritja. 37. Allowiri,
40. Unmatjera. 54. Yarrowin.
39. Kaitish. 32. Gnuin.
38. Warramunga. 28. Yukul.
42. Walpari. 27. Mara.
49. Bingongina. 24. Mungarai.
34. Tjingilli. 25. Yungman.
30. Umbaia. 8. Mudburra.
31. Nganji. 9. Waduman.
36. Worgai. 55. Ngainman.
50. Kudenji. 10. Billianera.
29. Binbinga. 11. Airiman.
51. Wanji. 56. Kadjerong.
1 2. AUura.
The natives on Melville and Bathurst Islands differ
very much in regard to their ceremonies and customs
from the typical tribes of the mainland, and in nothing is
this more clearly seen than in the ceremonies attendant
upon the admission of their young men to the status of
manhood. It is quite possible that there are certain
ceremonies of a very special nature in addition to those
now described, but a very striking feature of, at all events,
some of the more important of them is that all the
members of the tribe — men, women and children — take
part in them. This is quite opposed, and stands in
strong contrast, to the customs of most mainland tribes,
amongst whom women and children, except to a very
limited extent, are rigidly excluded from all active par-
ticipation in them, and, as a rule, are not even allowed to
come anywhere near the ceremonial ground. So far as I
have been able to discover there is no such thing as a
churinga or bull-roarer used. The natives assured me
that they had no such thing, and when I showed the old
men one and showed them also illustrations of Arunta and
other natives using it, though apparently they were keenly
93 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
interested In it and anxious to know all that I could tell
them about these tribes, they still professed complete
ignorance of any such thing amongst themselves, although
certain of them knew that it was used in the Larakia
tribe on the mainland. I therefore think it very probable
that the Melville and Bathurst Island natives have no
such thing as a churinga, and in saying this I am
influenced by the knowledge that, so far as I could
discover, no churinga or bull-roarer is known amongst
the group of tribes inhabiting the Coburg Peninsula and
the large area drained by the Alligator Rivers, these tribes
being the nearest neighbours of the Melville Islanders.
It is, however, very difficult to make any definite state-
ment in regard to matters such as this. It was only last
year, though the Larakia tribe had been known to white
men for forty years at least, that I was able to find out
that, during their initiation ceremonies, they used a
churinga. Future investigations may perhaps discover
either a churinga, or something equivalent to it,
amongst the natives of Melville and Bathurst Islands.
An equally striking feature of the ceremonies is the
entire absence of any mutilation of the body. Neither
circumcision nor subincision is practised, and as the men,
under normal conditions, are stark naked, the fact is very
evident. They have a most curious habit when standing
still of pressing the penis back between the legs so that
the tip of the prepuce can be seen from behind.
The initiation of young men on Melville Island is
Intimately associated with what is known as a Yam
ceremony. This special form of yam, which is eaten, but
does not form such an important article of food as certain
other yams, is called Kolamma, though it is sometimes pro-
nounced as if it were spelt Kulemma, the " k " also being
often hardly sounded. It is covered with a number of
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 93
little roots which look like very strong hairs. These are
called itjimma, the same name being applied to the hair
on the arms and legs. Whiskers are called dunimma.
The central figure in the ceremony was a boy, who
appeared to be not more than fourteen or fifteen years
old. He was the initiate and was called Watjinyerti — a
special status term applied to boys at this particular stage.
There was also an older youth who had figured as
Watjinyerti at the last initiation cermony a year ago and
was now called Mikinyerti. In addition, there were two
younger boys who will attain the status of Watjinyerti at
the next ceremony. They were called Marukumana. A
very striking feature was the fact that certain young girls
took a very definite part in the performance. One of
them, who was not more than ten or eleven years old, was
called Mikinyertinga. She seemed to correspond, amongst
the girls, to the Watjinyerti amongst the boys, and, twice
at least during the performance, was specially decorated
and much in evidence. In addition to her there were
three other girls, the equivalents of the Marukumana
amongst the boys, who were called Mikijeruma, and, like
the Marukumana boys, were passing through the ceremony
for the first time. On this occasion the Mikinyerti was
the mother's brother of the Mikinyertinga girl, and, con-
sequently, much older than she was, in fact, he was really
one of the younger amongst the initiated men, but in
these tribes the progress of full initiation is a lengthy one.
Her father decided that she should go through because of
the fact that her mother's brother was doing so.
On the day on which the ceremony began, the men
collected together early in the morning, about eight
o'clock, and, after much singing and yelling at the top
of their voices, they went out into the bush to collect
yams. They were accompanied by the Mikinyerti, but
94 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
not by the IV atjinyerti, who had to go to the mangrove
swamp to put mud over himself. If he did not do this
sores might break out all over him. Four young girls
and two older ones also went out with the men, while
the Marukumana remained in camp.
The morning was spent gathering the yams, which were
then placed in two pitchis and immersed in a waterhole
about a mile away from the main camp. When this
was over the men came into the latter and decorated
themselves with pipe clay and whitened bird's down. The
majority of them had the down plastered over their
chests, shoulders, and upper parts of their arms and backs
and a line of white running down the middle of the
abdomen (Fig. 29). Everyone had half of the fore-
arm and the hand whitened and a broad band across
the face. In most cases this included the whole forehead
and as far down as the level of the moustache, but one or
two of the older men, and amongst them the leaders
of the ceremony, had only a circle round each eye and a
band across the nose. All of them had their hair
whitened, and perhaps the most extraordinary feature
was the treatment of the beard. These men have very
much better beards than many, in fact most, of the
northern mainland tribes. During the first part of this
yam ceremony they draw the sap of a tree known as
milk wood (^Alstonia sp.). When a cut is made in the
bark of this tree a whitish liquid exudes which becomes
sticky. The natives smear this over their beards so that
the hairs stand out stiffly in a kind of fringe or ruff
round the face. The leader, who had no moustache
or hairs on his cheeks or lower lip — he had pulled them
all out — was especially noticeable. He looked very much
like a white-haired, glorified orang-utan. A few of the
men, including the leader, contented themselves with draw-
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 95
ing only lines of pipe clay on their bodies, arms, and legs.
It was dull, gloomy, and raining hard at intervals and the
painting and singing went on till nearly three o'clock
in the afternoon. When all was ready, the men,
amongst whom was the Mikinyerti, left the main camp,
where they had been singing and decorating themselves.
They came on to the site chosen for the ceremonial
ground, brandishing their yam sticks, called alluguni, and
yelling Ta bai e e / Ta bai eel
When the women, who were some little distance away
in the scrub, and with whom were the three Marukumana
boys and the Watjinyerti, heard this yelling, some of them
came up to watch what was being done, but the boys
remained in the scrub. Two of the women, one of
whom was the mother of a Marukumana boy and the
other the father's sister of a Mikijeruma girl, had their
hair curiously decorated. By means of bees' wax it was
all made up into little balls, the size of a large pea, and
each of them was coated with yellow ochre, producing
a most curious effect.
The men stood for a short time, bunched together
and yelling loudly, with their yam sticks waving above
their heads. Then they suddenly stooped down, plucked
up tufts of grass by the roots and threw them about
in all directions, shouting out as they did so, Brr ! Brr !
which is a cry indicating both defiance and the fact that,
in any contest, the men making it are winning. Then
they all set to work, vigorously, with their yam sticks, and,
in a very short time, they had the ground cleared of grass
and shrubs and had also piled up earth in a ring enclosing
it, the cleared space measuring about twenty feet in
diameter. The four young Mikijeruma girls, already
referred to, ran on to the ground and joined the men
when first they came up, watched them for a short time,
96 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
and then ran back to the women. In a very short time
there was quite an encampment of roughly made bark
mia-mias around the ground and no attempt of any kind
was made to secure privacy. The only thing was that
no women or children, except in the instance above-
mentioned, and on one other occasion, were allowed to
cross the ring. Otherwise, everything was done in public
and the whole scene, with the decorated men and women
wandering about the little bark huts, each with its own
fire, from which the blue smoke curled up among the
forest trees and cycads, was most picturesque. Unfor-
tunately, it rained hard, but this made not the slightest
difference to anyone. When a particularly heavy shower
came on, they either went under their mia-mias or
protected themselves with a sheet of stringy-bark, bent
double. At this time of the year the bark can be easily
stripped from the tree and is used for many purposes,
either for a house, a boat, a basket, or an umbrella. The
Mikinyerti was with the men, the Watjinyerti was in
the scrub, under the charge of his future wife's brother,
and the three Marukumana boys had been sent away into
the bush by the old men, with instructions as to what
they were to do.
When the ground was cleared there was a short pause
and then an old man — it did not apparently matter who
— rose to his feet and began to walk round and round,
knocking two sticks together (Fig. 30). While doing this,
everyone adopts the same characteristic attitude. The
man holds his left arm above his head so that his hand,
in which he has a stick, is behind the level of his head.
He strikes the stick with another in his right hand,
singing as he does so. This special stick is called
anadaunga. Men often walk round without a stick and
then they always hold the left arm in front of the head.
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 97
touching the forehead with the forearm so as to shield
the eyes.
The first performer opened the ceremony by singing
of the salt water, then another began and sang about
Cooper and his house, saying that Jokuppa was tall but
he was not nearly as tall as his house.^ Finally all the
men were singing of rain, sea, boats, trees, grass, and, in
fact, of everything that they could think of. Often
a man would come to the end of one " song " and,
while thinking of something else to sing, he always
kept up a cry of Ha-ha-ha-er-er-er-, the former on a
higher and the latter on a lower note.
This " singing " everything is a very characteristic
feature of the Melville and Bathurst Islanders, as is
also their custom, while ceremonies are being performed,
of bending the body forwards and at the same time
striking the buttocks with open hands and stamping
furiously on the ground. Apart, also, from these
ceremonies this curious repetition of names is frequently
met with. Cooper and myself were once travelling in a
dug-out canoe with four natives, and, as we were going
along the coast, they spent most of the time naming
things. One boy would say " mangrove," another " the
leaves of the mangrove," another would say " dugong,"
and another " the head of the dugong," and so on, in
endless succession. It sounded just as if they were
vying with one another to see who could mention the
most names, and all the time they were laughing gaily
and evidently enjoying themselves.
After the singing had gone on for about half an hour
' This refers to Mr. R. J. Cooper, a noted Buffalo hunter, who is
practically King of Melville Island, where he has great influence amongst
the wild natives. He is popularly known as Joe Cooper, a name which
the natives have transformed into Jokuppa.
H
98 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
the Watjinyerti, whose face was all painted black, was
brought in from the scrub by his guardian and taken to
his father. The latter led him to an old yauaminni
(mother's elder brother's son) who decorated him with
armlets called bannajinni. The yauaminni then led him
round and round the men who were standing in the
middle of the ceremonial ground, and then his father
linked the boy's right arm in his own left and, preceded
by a younger brother of the father, the two marched
round and round, the father telling the son that they had
put the armlets on him, that he was now a Watjinyerti^
and saying repeatedly: "They can see you like this I"
By this time all the women and children were gathered
round the ceremonial ground and the mia-mias had been
built. The lubras sang, repeating what the men sang
first, and every now and then one or other of the older
women called out to the boy, telling him to follow his
father and his yauaminni. This went on till late in the
afternoon when all the men left the ceremonial ground,
the women and children following a short distance
behind. It was pouring in torrents and the ground, in
many parts, was running with water, through which we
squelched along, pressing our way, drenched to the skin,
through the dripping scrub and tall grass. Close to the
water pool a halt was made at the base of a gum tree
where some green boughs had been piled up against the
trunk. They were pulled aside and, under them, we
found the three Marukumana boys crouching. What
this part of the ceremony meant we could not discover.
However, after much gesticulating and pretended
surprise, the party moved on, taking the boys with them,
until they came to the stream which was now running.
The yams were in a little side pool with logs placed on
the pitchis to prevent them from floating away. They
Fig. 31. The Threk Men bending down are holding the
Makukumana Boys' Heads in Baskets uxdbr the Water.
Fig. 32. Special Fire built on the Ceremonial Groun'dto roast
LHE Yams. It will be notic-ed that the ground is soaking wet.
Melville Island.
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 99
were inspected and then, suddenly, several old men
seized the Watjinyerti, plunged into the water with him,
and rushed backwards and forwards, some having hold
of his legs and others of his arms. In this helpless
state he was dragged backwards and forwards several
times, for the most part completely immersed in the
water. When they released him they turned their
attentions to the Marukumana boys, who were made to lie
down in the side pool (Fig. 31). First of all each of
them had his head put into a bark pitchi, along with
a few yams, and then, in this uncomfortable position, he
was held under the water, which was very muddy, for
quite half a minute. As the yams had "whiskers,"
their close associations with the heads of the boys was
supposed to be efficacious in stimulating the growth of
hair on the faces of the latter. The boys were then
made to stand up and, to assist further in the growth,
each one had his chin rubbed hard with a hairy yam and
then freely bitten by any older man who chose to do so.
This ceremony is called Tunima irruwinni. They were
very sore and uncomfortable when it was all over and, to
add to their discomfort, they were sent away to a
mangrove swamp, close by, to have their chins rubbed
with the evil-smelling mud. The women and children
had been watching the performance and, after the
immersion of the Watjinyerti, four of them, two mothers
and two sisters, jumped into the water and gave
themselves a good ducking.
All returned to camp, the Mikinyerti, Watjinyerti, and
the men gathering together on the ceremonial ground, the
men, at first, dancing about and clanging their sticks and
repeating, time after time, "we have been to the water and
washed."
By and by, the Marukumana boys came up from the
H 2
100 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
swamp and went Into a little mla-mia just outside the ring
of earth, the Watjinyerti sitting down in another by him-
self, watching the men who began to perform dances and
listening to the singing that went on at intervals all
night.
Early next morning they were busy and, at six o'clock,
started to build a special fire in the middle of the cere-
monial ground. They took a number of stakes, from
five to seven feet in height, and fixed them upright In the
ground so that they formed a circle, about three or four
feet in diameter (Fig. 32). Within this they piled up
wood to a height of four feet and, on the top of this, they
placed a thick layer of broken up whIte-ant hQl. What
was the meaning of this we could not find out. Then for
an hour they danced round and round it but did not
attempt to light the fire. The women and children were
watching them all the time. Soon after seven o'clock the
men left the ground and, in single file, started ofF for the
water pool. We were soon, once more, drenched to the
skin. Nothing special took place ; the yams were taken
out of the water and carried back to the ceremonial ground
by the Watijinyerti and the Miknyerti and placed in two
heaps, one on each side of the fire. This Is always done,
but the natives do not know why. Then the fire was
lighted by the Mikinyerti and Watjinyerti boys, the
Mikinyertts father and the Mikinyertinga girl. It took
them a long time to do this, because everything was soak-
ing wet and pools of water were lying about on the
ceremonial ground, while the natives were dancing in
sloppy mud. On the way back from the water pool, the
men cut a quantity of long grass stalks, which were placed
on the top of each heap of yams. The three Marukumana
boys, as before, were in one mia-mla and the Watjinyerti
in another. The dancing and singing went on and, on
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES loi
one occasion, the father took his daughter, the Mikinyer-
tinga girl, by the hand and led her round several times.
The fire was burning but, for more than an hour, nothing
was done to it or to the yams. The Watjinyerti was sur-
rounded by a few men who pulled out all his pubic hairs
and also those on his upper and lower lip. While this
was going on, the operators were singing the simple
refrain, " too bad, pull out hairs," which was repeated by
one woman, who was the daughter of the brother of the
Watjinyerti s mother. The main body of men were walk-
ing round and round the fire, striking their buttocks and
singing fiercely at intervals. At the end of about an
hour, the men went to the fire and drew out lighted
sticks which they threw away, first facing towards the
north and then the south. Then once more they sang,
the women outside the circle joining in. Taking small
boughs, the men now approached the fire and beat it
down from above, the idea of this being to cleanse it of
all evil influence — if this were not done they believe the
evil would go inside them and they would break out all
over sores. While doing this they yelled, Brrl Brr !
Brr ! ee ! ee ! Some of the grass stalks were then tied
into a rope, long enough to encircle the fire, around the
red hot embers of which they were placed, after the latter
had been raked over, together with the hot lumps of ant
hill, and made more or less smooth. The idea of this was
to prevent the yams from falling out of the fire. The
remainder of the grass was placed over the embers and
the yams put on top. Sheets of paper bark were spread
over them and these, in turn, were covered with damp
earth which was dug up with yam sticks, in a circle round
the fire. No women placed any yams on the fire. While
this was in progress, the greater number of the men stood
round shouting, 5 rr .' Brr/ Ok! Ok! The men who
102 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
placed the earth on the fire, smoothing it down to make
a more or less regular low dome-shaped structure, every
now and again knelt up and threw their bodies and arms
back, while the onlookers yelled a specially loud Brr !
Brr I and struck their buttocks fiercely. When the
mound was completed, everyone retired to the margin of
the ground ; some sat down, others stood up and all of
them continued singing and striking their buttocks.
After a pause, one man came out and performed a special
shark dance, the audience beating time. Then one old
man, who took the lead and was always in front in the
processions, walked slowly round and round the fire,
singing of the yams and the grass. Every now and then
he went outside the ceremonial ground and, with both
arms held up, told the women what to sing. It was just
as if a wild hymn were being sung and the verses given
out, one by one. The men were chanting continuously
and, every now and then, the shrill tones of the women
came in. The three Marukumana and the Watjinyerti
remained in their mia-mias and the singing went on for
about two hours till the yams were cooked. The men
then sat down round the fire and the yams were taken out
(Fig. 33). The four young girls and two old women, the
mother and father's sister of the Watjinyerti^ were called
up and were given yams to skin. Any man, apparently,
was allowed to do this and also the Watjinyerti^ but not
the Marukumana boys, who were not even painted. The
little Mikinyertinga girl, after skinning hers, handed them
to her father. After the skinning, the yams were cut up
into slices, an operation which occupied a long time. It
was, of course, done on the ceremonial ground and, while
it was in progress, one man was walking round and
round, striking sticks together, while the others chanted.
The men sang, time after time, " yams, you are our
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 103
fathers^ The natives said that, as a result of the per-
formance of the ceremony, all kinds of yams would grow
plentifully — not only the kolamma, but, more especially,
other kinds which, as articles of diet, are more useful to
them than the kolamma, which is very hot and needs
special preparation. This one kind of yam is not much
used by the Melville and Bathurst Islanders but is a
favourite food amongst other tribes on the mainland.
The Island natives evidently regard the kolamma, probably
because it has to be specially treated before being safe to
eat, as a superior kind of yam, endowed with properties
such as the ordinary yams do not possess. If a boy sees
this ceremony and afterwards does not do what he is
told to do by the old men when he is being initiated, he
becomes very ill and dies.
The father of the Mikinyertinga girl took some slices
of yam in his hand and the daughter poured water
on them from a palm leaf basket, after which the man
rubbed the daughter's hair with them in order to make
it grow. This over, the four girls retired from the
ceremonial ground. Then the men crunched some of
the slices in their hands and rubbed their own beards with
them. This is called tunima ubabrulua. The sister of
the father of the Mikinyertinga and the mother of the
Watjinyerti rubbed each other's heads and faces with
yam slices, and, when all the rubbing was over, a general
decoration of men, women, and children began. The
Watjinyerti was painted by a yauaminni man, and had his
hair, a band across his nose, and a band down each cheek,
white. His armlets, bamajinni, were red-ochred afresh.
The Mikinyerti youth had his hair, a band across the nose,
and such beard and whiskers as he possessed, painted
yellow. The three Marukumana boys had their faces
painted black. As soon as the slicing of the yams was
104 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
over, a small mia-mia, made of sheets of bark and gum tree
boughs, was built close beside the remains of the fire, and
into this the men put the Watjinyerti and the Marukumana,
in order that, so the natives said, they could not be seen
by the women. This mia-mia is called malanni, the usual
term for one being irruwunni. This may perhaps be a
remnant of an aspect of the ceremony which, at one time,
was more strongly developed than it is now on Melville
Island, and that is the seclusion of the initiate, so that he
is not seen by the women and children, who believe in
many tribes that during the initiation ceremony he is-
taken away by a spirit and made into a man.
While the boys were thus hidden, the painting went
on, one or two of the old yam men keeping up a
continuous chant referring to the yams and the grass.
The father painted the Mikinyertinga girl yellow all over
(Fig. 34) ; another girl had one side of her head
painted white by her mother and the other side yellow,
above one eye she had a white line, and below, a yellow
one, and vice versa on the other side. If both yellow
and white were used, as was often the case, the right side
was always white and the left yellow. The old leading
man had one side of his hair white, the other yellow, the
whole of his face was red, save for a yellow band across
the forehead just above the eyes, and a white band from
ear to ear across the bridge of the nose. His upper and
lower lips were clean " shaved," but a strong fringe
of beard was made to project all round by means of
the sticky sap of the milk-wood tree, and was edged with
white down. This design, together with a red ochred
body and long sinuous lines of white and yellow from his
shoulders to his knees, gave him a ferocious and
remarkably weird aspect. Another of the older men had
one side of his hair white, the other yellow, and a broad
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 105
median band of red right across his hair, down the
middle of his forehead, nose, lips and chin, and then on
to his projecting beard, which on one side was painted
white and on the other red. The rest of his face was a
somewhat lighter red than the median band. Some
of the men had their bodies all covered with yellow,
others with red, and one or two with black. In most
cases they had sinuous lines of white and yellow or
yellow and red, and sometimes all three, which usually
began at the elbow, ran up to the shoulder, and then
either close together down the back on either side to the
knee, or else looping over one another. If the white was
outermost on one side, it was innermost on the other,
this alternation of colours being most striking and
characteristic. All the designs were decidedly ornate and
quite unlike any that I have seen amongst other
Australian aboriginals. They are, however, though
decidedly elaborate, very roughly drawn in comparison
with those used during the sacred ceremonies of such
tribes as the Arunta and the Waramunga.
While this was going on the singing was continuous,
but what was sung was very simple. One old man
suddenly shouted to the women, " I have painted my
daughter's hair yellow." Another old man came out
from the ceremonial ground, went near to where a
number of women were grouped together, and sang out to
them, " I have painted one side of my daughter white and
the other side yellow." In one case, the two wives
and daughter of an old man were a little way off in
the scrub, painting themselves in their mia-mia. The
old man kept coming out from the ring and walking
round so that they could both see and hear him, and time
after time they sang out, repeating what he said, which
was merely a reference to the painting. The women, in
io6 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
most cases, simply daubed red or yellow ochre over
themselves, with little attempt at design. When the
decorations were complete, there was a short pause, and
then the men began to walk round and round the
ground, singing and clanging sticks with their arms
uplifted as usual. Then one man " sang " the Mab^nuri,
or shooting star, which is supposed to be an evil spirit.
The object of this singing was to protect the boys in the
mia-mia against its evil influence.
Also they sang the bamajinni, that is the armlets of the
JVatjinyerti, which is also supposed to aid in protecting
him against any shooting star. This over, several men
walked round and round the mia-mia containing the
fVatjinyerti, singing of an attack upon it by spears. At
this stage, the old leading man was standing up and
giving orders. He, and another man, danced wildly
round and round the mia-mia while the men, with special
vigour, struck their buttocks, yelling and stamping loudly
as they did so. It was a crocodile dance, and the old
man carried a ball of red ochred down in his hands,
throwing it up every now and again to represent fish
jumping out of the water in front of the crocodile. This
was followed by a shark dance, performed by a man with
a blackened body and long sinuous lines of white and
yellow spots. These were the best dancers and they
entered into the performance with zest, dancing and
stamping, round and round, until they were exhausted.
Then came a curious part of the ceremony, quite unlike
anything that is known in connection with initiation on
the mainland. The father of the Mikinyertinga girl had
previously decorated her with red and yellow ochre. He
now called her up and spent some time in building up a
kind of mop of hair on her head, by means of twisting
into her own hair a large number of little curled strands
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 107
of human hair. The result was a great mop, calling to
mind, on a small scale, that of many Papuans. Then
he placed on her forehead a curious chaplet. It is
made of a piece of bamboo bent round so as to fit
the head closely from ear to ear, across the forehead,
somewhat like a tiara. On to it were fixed a series of
flattened tufts of dog tail hairs — the hairs radiating from
a central disc of beeswax. Decorated with this mop of
hair and the chaplet, the girl was led by her father to the
mia-mia and put inside this with the four boys. It was a
tight fit, and they were all closely huddled together.
Then there came another shark dance, accompanied by a
song, consisting of the repetition of the simple refrain,
" the shark has a big mouth. The salt water makes
the shark's mouth big." This was sung by a man of
the Pandanus (screw - pine) totem. Then came a
devil-devil dance called Mabanuri (shooting star). This
was followed by a march round and round the
mia-mia, the men gradually getting more and more
excited. They were supposed to be a hostile tribe,
coming to kill the people in the mia-mia. The men
began to prance about and, after a minute or two, the
bark sheets were opened up, so that the girl and boys
could be seen. Then they were closed up again and a
mock attack, with spears, was made, the occupants being
supposed to be killed. After this there was a regular
pandemonium, everyone dancing and yelling at the same
time. This went on for some minutes and then, when
they were thoroughly wound up and excited, they divided
into two parties, the older men in one and the younger
men in the other. Just before this the mia-mia had been
pulled down and the occupants came out, the girl and the
Marukumana going to one side — in fact leaving the cere-
monial ground. The father took charge of the chaplet.
io8 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
The Watjinyerti joined the younger party, as did also the
Mikinyerti youth. At first, they had a long pole at which
each party pulled, much as if it were a tug-of-war, but this
was soon thrown away and then they mingled together,
forming a wild, excited mass of yelling savages, heads,
arms, legs, and bodies all mixed up, until, at length, one
party succeeded in pushing the other, slowly, along while
they yelled Brr ! Brr ! They undid themselves and
the performance, called Arri madjunderri, came to an end.
The men gathered again round the remains of the fire
and the old leader took hold of the Watjinyerti s arms,
behind his back, and led him round the fire. There was
some more dancing, the men standing round the margin
of the ceremonial ground, and then the leader came out
into the middle, picked up some remnants of the fire, and
threw them away in various directions. This was sup-
posed to be emblematic of the throwing away of sickness.
Then they set off for the water hole, in single file, the
Watjinyerti and the Mikinyerti carrying the yams. The
Mikinyertinga and the Mikijeruma girls and the two old
women accompanied them, the other women and children
came on behind and stood a little distance away. When
they reached the water hole, the yams were put in the
water, together with the roots or " whiskers " which had
been carefully preserved and were " sung." Then an
extraordinary ceremony took place. Most of the men
began to pluck their beards and whiskers out (Fig. 35).
They began at the ear on each side and went down to the
middle of the chin, plucking the hair out in bunches.
Some did it for themselves, some allowed others to do it
for them, and not a single man seemed to flinch in the
slightest degree during the performance of what must
have been, at all events, a decidedly uncomfortable opera-
tion, A strange thing was that no bleeding seemed to
Fig. 34. Father I'Aintinc the Mikinyerti\<;a Girl.
Melville Island.
'■:.^M^
uj
«i--.H.
T.,J
"^m^Si^m
kII
IB -'J
g
B/^l^'! (*
^SC'^y /PH
m
m
^^EvkJivH
II
F'g- 35- ^'li^^' I'l'LLING rllEIR BEAK1>^ OUT. THE OLD ^LAN 0.\ THE
LEl'J'-HANIi SIDE IS IX THE ACT OF I'l'LLING. MeLVILLE IsLANIJ.
[Face p'lge 108.
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 109
take place. When it was over the hair was placed in the
pitchis, together with the sliced yams and their "whiskers"
and left in the water for the night. Early next morning,
everyone was astir and the decorations were renewed.
Then they all set off for the water hole, in single file as
usual. A halt was made, before they reached the water
hole, at the base of the tree at which the Watjinyerti had
previously been secreted. Acting under instructions from
the old leader, a Marukumana boy and the Mikinyertinga
girl had left the camp and were lying concealed by
boughs, at the foot of the same tree. The father of the
girl placed the chaplet on her forehead and gave her a
ball of red-ochred down, called Taquoinga — the same one
that he had previously used in the crocodile dance — hang-
ing it round her neck with a string. This done, the
whole party came on, the bushes were thrown aside, and
everyone simulated the greatest astonishment. The boys
came out first of all and danced about, within a circle
formed by the men, who sang and struck their buttocks.
Then the girl came out and danced round, accompanied
by four men, her father and three of his brothers. The
girl carried the Taquoinga in her mouth, because she was
supposed to be shy and it gave her courage. A ball of
this kind, called Ballduk by the Kakadu, is very often
seen, suspended from the necks of the men, both
on Melville and Bathurst Islands, and on the mainland,
and is always carried in the mouth and bitten hard,
at times of great excitement, such as during a fight.
After this little ceremony was over, the whole party
moved on to the water hole, the yams were taken out
and carried away to the camp, the hairs and whiskers
being left behind. The natives, apparently, have no
fear of anyone securing the hair and working evil magic
with it. In camp, everyone partook of the yams and
no NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
they were all supposed to begin eating at the same
time.
The Watjinyerti was painted red and, for some time,
he had to keep away from the main camp. We used to
see him sitting about in the scrub, a rather forlorn looking
creature, bright red, because he was completely smeared
over with ochre, and wearing the armlets. In addition
to these, he now wore a strange necklet called Marungwum.
It was made of a round stick about half an inch in diameter,
bent into the shape of a horseshoe, the two ends being
capped with knots of wax and tied together with hair
string, from the middle point of which a long string,
ending in a tassel, called paraminni, hung down the middle
of his back. He wore this continuously after the ceremony
was over, for six weeks, when a new one, called Illajinni,
was made, which, in its turn, he wore for four months.
The natives have no idea as to what is the significance of
the necklet, except that the Watjinyerti always has worn it
and that, if he took it off, he would become seriously ill.
Certainly, together with his red-ochred face, it makes him
a very prominent and distinctive object. When the cere-
mony was over, the mother of the Watjinyerti had to wear
a necklet similar to his and was obliged to keep it on as
long as he did. The natives say that, if the mother's fell
ofF, the boy would become ill, and that if the boy's should
fall ofF the mother would be ill. After these ceremonies
were over, the ceremonial ground was deserted. The
mia-mias that had encircled it closely were removed some
distance away into the scrub. Three days later, while the
natives were busy painting posts, to place on the grave of
a man who had died a year ago, they gathered together,
close by the posts, and the young Marukumana were
brought in and thrown up in the air. The idea was to
make them grow tall. On the morning of the next day
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES iii
the men again assembled at the grave posts and lighted a
fire at the base of a blood-wood tree, close by. Four
boys, two of them Marukumana and two younger ones,
were made to climb up the trunk. Green boughs were
placed on the fire, from which a column of smoke arose,
called kujui. The same word is applied to a water spout,
which it is supposed to represent. Each of the boys, in
turn, had to climb down. The two younger ones were
allowed to jump over the fire but the Marukumana had
to pass through it.
The above ceremonies took place during the second
week in March. I was unable to see the subsequent pro-
ceedings, but during a later visit to Melville Island was
informed that what took place was as follows : — My in-
formant, one of the natives, was present and secured for
me the various ornaments. The Watjinyerti remained
away from the main camp until the end of April, when he
came into his mother's camp, took off his old ornaments
and washed himself in salt water, brought up by his
mother. New ornaments were put on him, including a
special belt called Olturuma, which was made by his
mother's brother. He kept all these on until the per-
formance of a final ceremony in September. On this
occasion he sat down in camp with his mother, with all
his ornaments on. His mother sang out to the older
women, especially his " sisters," to come up. They did
so and took half of the ornaments oiF and then the older
men came up and took the remainder ofF. When this
was done the Watjinyerti danced a little. A Yauaminni
man took the ornaments — armlets, necklets, and waist
girdles — ^and placed them all on a special platform of
branches, built like a big nest, in an iron-wood tree.
While this was being done, everyone stood round the
mother and the Watjinyerti, who were in the middle.
112 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Everyone, men, women, boys, and girls, cut their heads
and cried. With this the ceremony came to a close.
The various articles worn by the Watjtnyerti boy, the
Mikinyertinga girl and the mother of the boy are shown
in Plate I. Figs, i and 2 represent the special belt called
Olturuma. Both of them are twenty-six inches in length
and very strongly made out of alternate blocks or panels,
as it were, of human hair and banyan bark string, their
edges being sewn all round with split cane. This bark
string forms a strong loop at each end, where it is covered
with beeswax that has been whitened with pipe clay. In
the upper one the blocks of human hair string are left
uncoloured, those of banyan bark string are red-ochred
and outlined and crossed by lines of white and yellow
alternating in the way characteristic of Melville and
Bathurst Island decorations. The lower one shows a
somewhat more complicated scheme of decoration, some
of the human hair blocks or panels being red-ochred.
The centre of the belt is marked by a white circle ; on
each side of this is a red panel, then an uncoloured
banyan-bark string panel, then a pinkish-cream coloured
panel, the pigment being made by mixing pipe clay with
red-ochre ; this is followed by a red panel, then a long
one of banyan string, partly coloured, partly uncoloured ;
on the right side is a long human hair string panel,
running to the end, but, on the left, the terminal panel
is made of banyan bark. The design is symmetrical
in the central part of the belt, but slightly asymmetrical
towards each end.
Fig. 3 represents the ornament worn by the mother.
It measures twelve by thirteen inches. It consists of a
stick about three-quarters of an inch in diameter bent
so as to form a semicircle. It has been completely
smoothed and red-ochred and its two ends are held
in INITIATION CEREMONIES 113
together by strong strands of banyan bark string, bound
round and round so as to form a strong bar which is
completely coated over with beeswax and decorated with
alternating bands of red and yellow ochre, outlined with
white. By way of ornamentation there is, on each side, a
knob of wax studded with abrus seeds. From the
middle of this transverse bar an elaborate pendant hangs
down. Its total length is eighteen inches and it consists
of a large number of strands of banyan bark string
gathered together into two cords to form a loop half-way
down the pendant, the strands being enclosed in beeswax,
one side coloured red, the other yellow. The attachment
of the pendant to the bar is marked by a ring of wax
covered with abrus seeds. Then follows a curious disc,
two and three-quarter inches in diameter, with short, stifF
strands of human hair string radiating all round. For an
inch and a half beyond this the string is enclosed in wax
coloured yellow and red, then for two inches and three-
quarters the string, which is red-ochred, is free. This is
succeeded by the central loop, which is ornamented at
each end with a circle of abrus seeds, stuck in beeswax.
The length of this part is four inches and a half. Then
for three and a half inches the strands are free, after this
follow a circle of abrus seeds, then a length of string, two
and three-quarter inches, covered with wax, painted red,
white, and yellow. This is succeeded by a second disc
made of a series of cane rings fitting one inside the other,
with stiff strands of human hair string radiating all round.
The disc, as can be seen, is decorated with alternating,
radiating lines of yellow, red, and white. Finally the
pendant terminates in a sphere of delicate, light brown
coloured down feathers.
The structure is worn in such a way that the pendant
hangs down the middle of the back.
114 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Figs. 4 and 5 represent, respectively, the necklets
called Marungwurm and Illajinni, worn by the Watjinyeni
boy. The smaller one measures six and a half inches by
six, the larger one eight inches by six and a half. They
are quite simple in form and made, essentially, in the
same way as the larger one worn by the mother. One of
them, the one that I saw the boy wearing, has a pendant
of thirty-four strands of red-ochred human hair string.
The other is ornamented with two knots of beeswax, each
two inches long and thickly studded with abrus seeds.
Figs. 6 and 7 represent the ornaments worn by the
Mikinyertinga girl. The first of these is in the form of
a curious chaplet, made of strands of human hair string
that are all flattened out and covered with beeswax so
as to form, roughly, a semicircle about eight inches in
external diameter. Radiating out from this semicircle
there are eleven wild dog tail tips which are also flattened
out. The girl wore the chaplet on her head as if it were a
tiara, the semicircle of wax passing across the front of
her hair from ear to ear, the strands of hair string being
tied together behind her head. The second has the form
of a ball measuring three and a quarter inches in diameter.
It is very cleverly made out of the lower parts of feathers
that have been cut in half so as to retain part of the stiff
barbs and all the down portion at their bases. The cut
ends, in some way, are closely and firmly attached in the
centre of the sphere, but it is so compact that, without
destroying it, it is impossible to ascertain how they are
actually attached. The projecting end of each is the quill
end, so that the sphere which is composed of hundreds of
feathers looks like a ball of down. The feathers have i
been orange-coloured with a mixture of red and yellow
ochre. The girl wore the ornament round her neck,
attached by four strands of human hair string and,
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 115
during the performance of her dance, held it tightly
between her teeth. It is called Taquoinga^ the same name
being applied to the little spherical bag that the men
carry round their necks and place between their teeth
during times of especial excitement.
In the Port Essington tribe there are two important
ceremonies connected with initiation, the first of which is
called Naialpur and the second Wokungjari; these terms
indicating also the status of the individual who has passed
through one or other of them. The following account
was given to me by a Port Essington native who was
living in Cooper's Camp on Melville Island and was well
acquainted with the customs of the latter people as well as
with those of his own tribe.
The central figure of the Naialpur is a youth who has
reached the status of Ngauunduitch and is perhaps fifteen
or sixteen years old. He is the equivalent of the
Watjinyerti on Melville Island, and there are also younger
boys who take a secondary position in the ceremony.
They are called Namungulara and are the equivalents of
the Marukumana boys. These boys may evidently take
part in the ceremony several times before they become
the central figure. There was one Port Essington boy in
the camp on Melville Island who was not more than
thirteen years of age and he had twice been Namulugara.
The elder men, that is the Wokunjarri and Balquar
akkuHy consult and decide upon the initiation of the youth.
A man who is the latter's pappam comes to him and says
"gun mi araman," I want you. This is done in the camp,
and the kamu (mothers), wulko and munburtji (elder and
younger sisters) cut themselves and cry. When it has
thus been decided to advance any youth from the status of
Ngauunduitch to that of Naialpur he is sent out to visit
distant camps under the guardianship of a man who has
I 2
ii6 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
already attained the latter status. They each carry a very
simple wand, merely a stick about four feet long, called uro-
ammi (Fig. 3 6), and, when they come within sight of a strange
camp, they halt and, bending towards one another over their
wands, chant a refrain the significance of which iswellunder-
stood.' The women in camp reply with the call "wait ba,
wait ba,"and,so long as the youths remain in any camp, they
periodically repeat their refrain, the women always answer-
ing with theirs. When the Ngauunduitch and his guardian
Naialpur return they are taken to a special camp called koar^
where a ceremonial ground has been prepared. The latter
is about thirty or forty yards long with the sand banked
up all round, and on one side a track leading into it with
its sides also slightly banked up. In the middle of the
ground is a bush wurley called wangaratja with a forked
stick standing upright on each side and a hollow log
within it. The men's spears are bunched together and
rest against the side of the wurley. The first night the
Ngauunduitch spends, under the charge of a pappam, close
to the entrance of the koar. Early in the morning he is
taken on to the ground and sits down beside the log
which has been removed from the wurley. This special
log is called piruakukka, a name that no lubra may bear.
The usual name for a hollow log is aranweir. At first
the younger boys are present and the pappam men dance
round and round them and at times pinch their cheeks to
make their hair grow. This is in the very early morning,
after which they are taken back to the camp and the men
set to work to decorate themselves for the performance
of ceremonies on the koar.
The Ngauunduitch, both now and during the time that
he travels over the country from camp to camp, wears a
' A fuller account of this is given later in connection with the initiation
ceremonies of the Kakadu tribe.
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 117
special waist girdle called agir-agtr. It is made of a cord
of human hair string from which short lengths of string,
arranged in pairs, each about eight inches long and
ending in little knots of beeswax, hang down. During
the ceremony, also, both the Ngauunduitch and the
Namungulara wear necklets called leda. Each of these
consist of a circlet, large enough to go comfortably round
the neck, made of vegetable fibre string, such as that
derived from the banyan tree bark, or it may be made
from the hair of a young man. The strands of strings
are gathered together to form a pendent that hangs down
the middle of the boy's back. Where the strands come
together on the circlet, there is a coating of beeswax and
the pendent cord is also ornamented with two or three
circles of the same material. In the case of the younger
boys, the Namungulara, a small length of bamboo, is
attached to the free end of the cord. In some mysterious
way this is supposed to represent the boy's knee, and the
wearing of it during the ceremony has the eff^ect of
strengthening the knee. At a certain point in the
ceremony, also, the Namungulara boys come into camp
and place their ledas on the heads of their mothers, which
is a sign to the latter that the ceremony is nearly over
and that they must go out into the bush and collect yams.
When the men are ready the pappam takes the
Ngauunduitch^ back to the koar in the middle of which all
the decorated men stand round the wurley. When he
reaches the entrance to the wurley the men yell Prr !
Prr ! The men are painted so that their faces
cannot be recognised and, at first, the youth is frightened
because he has seen nothing like it before. The men
' There are often two or more youths passing through the ceremony
at the same time, in which case they sit down in a row with 3. pappam
in charge of each.
ii8 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
arrange themselves round the margin of the koar and
then they dance, one by one. This over they pull
the wurley to pieces and dance on the remnants. The
boy is then taken back to his camp by the fappam.
At night he returns to the koar and ceremonies are per-
formed connected with the totems, kangaroo, cockatoo,
crocodile, lizard, etc. At the close of each one they
dance on the remains of the wurley and finally lie down
on them, some of the bushes being piled on the top of
the old men. The natives have no idea of the meaning
of the wurley or of breaking it down. While this is
going on the pappam sing : —
Nan o tjeri nilkil
Binyung mi
Bin yalli nalli
Tjai Tjo — o !
Then the old men get up from the bushes. Bunches of
cockatoo feathers are placed on the boys' heads and then
the ceremonies go on, the pappam singing —
Natjat pula pula
Bin yung mi
Bin yalli nalli
Tjai Tjo— o !
repeating it time after time until they are tired out.
The men now arrange themselves in a long row and then
crouch down with hands on knees, all swaying about from
side to side and whistling in imitation of the wind.
Then they stand up, everyone waving about like a tree
in the wind ; in fact they are supposed to represent big
gum trees. Time after time they repeat the refrain
" Natjat pula pula," etc., and then they all fall down on
hands and knees and move along in a line around and
behind the youth surging and swaying from side to side
and yelling Arr ! Arr ! until at last, with a final loud
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 119
At kai at : at kai at : ai , ending in a long descending
note, they fall down round the hollow log. The boy
is then made to sit by the side of the latter with the men
all round him. The old pappam men sing out
Birringin, birringin, birringin,
Urqui pit, urqui pit,
Alor ! alor ! alor !
The whole is repeated several times and the day's per-
formance comes to an end, the boy being talcen back to
his camp to sleep. Early next morning they are back on
the koar and are shown first a crocodile ceremony. One
old man sits on the log and the others on the ground
close by, singing,
Wungaka wunga birri
Birridji ja djaquia.
The boy stands by and watches. Two men, imitating the
movements of a crocodile, sprawl on the ground and
crawl along to the remains of the wurley. The man on
the log sings out Wau, JVau, which is the signal for an
old man to knock down the forked sticks. This knock-
ing down is called numulana. Later on a cockatoo
ceremony is shown.
It is during the performance of these ceremonies that
the boy is shown the bull-roarer, called by this tribe
Kurrabudji. He sits down on the koar ground with his
head bent low so that he cannot see what is taking place.
Some of the old men paint themselves and come up
behind him whirling the bull-roarers. The pappam tells
the boy to look up, and then he sees the men and is told
that the noise is made by the Kurrabudji. As usual the
lubras think it is the voice of a great spirit that takes the
boys away, but the old men tell him that it is not so.
At first he is very frightened, but the old men show him
120 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap,
the sticks and, after having rubbed their own bodies with
them, place them in his hands. The boy looks at them,
and then hands them back again to the old men. He is
repeatedly shown the Kurrabudji and warned that the
lubras and children must not see them on any account.
At times also the boy is rubbed over with the sticks. In
addition to this the old men often rub the heads and
cheeks of the Ngauunduitch and Namungulara with their
hands to make the hair and whiskers grow. Fat is also
rubbed frequently on their private parts to make them
strong, and they are told that they must not growl at the
old men, and must not take a lubra until they are older
and have passed two or three times through the Naialpur.
The showing of ceremonies continues for five or six
weeks, after which a visit is paid to the lubra's camp.
The Naialpur is in the centre of the procession with the
pappam and other men round him. They shout loudly
Kor yai, kor yai, so as to tell the lubras that they are
coming. Then, when quite close to the camp, they yell
wha, wha, wha ! At the camp the lubras are arranged
in two rows with a strong forked post, called quiaramba,
fixed upright in the ground. On this two young women
sit, crying out leda, leda, which means " string, string,"
some of which they hold out. The same name " leda " is
given to the head rings of the Namungulara boys. The
two girls are either sisters or sister's daughters of the
Naialpur. When the men are about twenty yards away
they come down from the post and all the women sing
Kait ba, Kait ba^ moving their hands and knees as if to
invite the men to come on. The Naialpur and Namun-
gulara wear opossum fur-string armlets, human hair-string
girdles, the special chest girdles, called man-ma-ouri,
which encircle the shoulders, chest, and neck. They also
wear the head rings called leda, and a pubic tassel. The
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 121
Naialpur stands quietly beside the forked post while the
men dance between and round the two lines of women.
The pappam then leads the Naialpur to his father and
mother, who are at the far end of the camp, and seats him
between them. Then the boy's sisters come up and a
general wailing ensues, after which the Naialpur is once
more taken into the bush.
The second ceremony, called Wokungjari, is passed
through after a man is married, sometimes before, and
sometimes after he has a child. In the case of my
informant it took place before. A pappam tells the
young man to come with him into the bush, which he
does, leaving his wife in charge of his father and mother.
The pappam supplies him with food and he is supposed
to be dependent on the old man for this, so that some-
times he may have plenty, but at others very little,
depending entirely upon how much the old man has
either the ability or the desire to secure. He is very
often shown the Kurrabidji and every now and then his
father comes and looks at him, but no one else, and he
must not go anywhere near his lubra. Every day the
pappam rubs him over with fat, and he spends practically
all his time on the ceremonial ground, where he is shown
and allowed also to take part in the performance of
totemic ceremonies. This goes on for two months, at
the end of which time the pappam tells him to go and
bathe, and show himself to his father and mother in the
main camp. He is now a Wokungjari or fully initiated
man.
The Kakadu is one of a group, or nation, of tribes
inhabiting an unknown extent of country, including that
drained by the Alligator Rivers, the Coburg Peninsula,
and the coastal district, at all events as far west as Finke
Bay. Its eastern extension is not known. For this
122 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
nation I propose the name Kakadu, after that of the
tribe of which we know most.
The initiation ceremonies are evidently closely similar
all through this group of tribes. In diiFerent parts of
Australia these ceremonies vary to a considerable extent.
In the south-eastern and eastern coastal tribes the
ceremony consists in knocking out a front tooth. In
the central and north central and also in some of the
western tribes, there are two ceremonies which often
follow close upon each other. At the first the rite of
circumcision is carried out and at the second that of
subincision. In some of these tribes only the first
of these is practised. In the Arunta and other central
tribes, the youth is regarded as initiated and is allowed to
see all the sacred ceremonies as soon as he has passed
through the two ceremonies named, but, at a later time,
he takes part in what is called the Engwura, which
consists, partly, in the performance of a long series of
sacred ceremonies referring to the totemic ancestors, and
partly in a curious ordeal by fire, after which he becomes
a full man, or, as they say, ertwa murra oknira, which
words mean man, good, very. He only takes part in
this when he is adult. In the Kakadu nation there is a
succession of no fewer than five series of ceremonies, the
last of which only adult and comparatively old men may
witness. They are performed in the following order and
are known respectively as
1. Jamba.
2. Ober.
3. Jungoan.
4. Kulori.
5. Muraian.
Of these the first may be regarded, strictly speaking, as
the important initiation ceremony. It marks the turning
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 123
point in the life of each youth, when he passes out of the
ranks of the women and children, enters into those of
the men, and is, thereafter, allowed to see and gradually
take part in the performance of the sacred ceremonies
that are characteristic of the remaining four, although he
is an elderly man before he is permitted to witness the
Muraian.
I. Jamba Ceremony.
I was not fortunate enough to see the Jamba initiation
ceremony of the Kakadu tribe but a middle-aged man,
named Urangara, who was fully acquainted with all the
sacred ceremonies of the tribe, described to us what
happened in his own case and the procedure as he has
witnessed and taken part in it many times since then.
Just before the rain season, in his own case, his father
consulted a few old men, some of whom stood in the
relation of father's elder brothers to him and others in
that of father's father (Kaka). These men, during the
ceremony, are called Kuringarerli. The father said to
the old men : " My boy is growing big, his whiskers are
coming. It is time he was allowed to eat some of
the forbidden foods." The latter is expressed by the
words " morpia " (food), meja (eat), kumali (forbidden
or tabu). After this, there was a general conversation
amongst the older men and it was decided that the
time had come for the boy to be initiated. They
said to two elder men, Bialilla mirawara muramunna koro,
which means : the boy is growing big, you two go to the
bush. On this occasion there was another youth who
was being initiated at the same time and the two elder
men took the two youths away with them into the bush,
visiting various camps and inviting the strangers to come
and witness the ceremony. They stayed away a long
124 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
time until, as Urangara said, tjara numhereba, that is, their
whiskers were long. During all this time the two elder men
must not look at a lubra ; if they did the boys would
become ill and also the other men would drive spears
into them. The women have to be very careful not to
go anywhere where they are likely to come across the
youths. The old men instruct them what parts to avoid.
After a long wandering, the boys and their guardians
return, bringing with them the visitors, whom they gather
together as they come to the various camps on their home-
ward journey. All the men in camp, except a i&^ of the
elders, who remain to watch the women and children, go
out to meet the party, whose approach is notified by the
clanging of sticks. The whole party comes in, except
the boys and their guardians. The strangers are con-
ducted to their camping grounds and, early next morning,
the men go out and prepare a special ceremonial ground
called Tjaina. At one side of this a bush shade, called
waryanwer, is made and the men stand, some under the
shade, which is six feet high, and open at both ends, and
some round the ground. In the centre of the latter is a
hollow log caWeA Jamba, four or five feet long and about
two feet in diameter. The boys are not yet brought to
the ground, but one old man sits down and repeatedly
strikes the jamba. He is called dabinji wanbui. It is
now dark, or mardid, that is, night time. An old man
takes two sticks and goes out close to where the boys are
camped, striking his sticks together. The men in charge
of the boys say, ameina — what is it } and the old man
answers, Brau ningari — give us the boys. They reply,
Ouwoiya kormilda — yes, to-morrow. Then the old man
returns to the camp and all sleep. In the morning they
say to the boys, moru kuperkap — go and bathe. The
lubras meanwhile have been sent out to gather food —
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 125
lily roots, seeds, etc. — and are told to return at mid-day
{mietd). The boys bathe, while the lubras are out of the
way in the scrub, because they may not yet be seen
by the latter. After this they are painted by their
guardians. Each has a circle of white running across,
just above the eyes, then down each cheek and under
the chin, so that the whole face is framed, as it were,
in white. Two lines of red run across the upper part
of the forehead. On their return, the women paint
themselves ; the younger ones must be decorated with
red ochre, the old women may paint themselves as they
like and very often use yellow ochre. When all is ready,
the boys are brought up accompanied by the women, who
sing " wait ba, wait ba." The old men cover the eyes of
the boys, who walk with their heads bent down. There
may sometimes be as many as ten or twelve youths
passing through the ceremony, in which case they are
brought up in pairs. When they have all come in, the
lubras run back to their camp, singing " wait ba, wait ba"
swaying their bodies from side to side, like a native
companion. The old men, the guardians of the boys,
have bushes in their hands which they shake, saying
to the boys kulali koregora— look at the sky ; jibari
koregora — look at the trees ; balji jereini koregora — look
at the big crowd of men. After saying this they take
their hands away from the boys, who look up and see
the ceremonial ground, the jamba, the bush shade, and
the men standing round. Meanwhile sticks are struck
together and the bamboo trumpets sound, making a noise
which sounds like a constant repetition of biddle-an-bum,
biddle-an-bum. This is a very characteristic booming
sound with the two first syllables said more or less
rapidly and long emphasis laid on the third. There is
considerable excitement and the singing and clanging go
126 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
on for some time, until at last the boys are taken into the
bush shade. After a time the old men lead them on to
the ground and seat them one at each end of the jamha.
The old guardian kneels immediately behind his boy,
telling him what to do. He first of all takes a stone
and hands it to the boy saying, jilalka fodauerbi — here
is a stone. Then he says, Ngoornberri jilalka mukara — son,
throw the stone. The boys then throw each stone
through the hollow jamba, after which they hand them
back to their guardians. No one knows why this is done.
The guardians say to the boys, Ngoornberri tjaina kumali :
jamba kumali koregora : uriauer kumali koregora : which
means, son, you see the forbidden tjaina, jamba, or bush
shade, as the case may be. Then all the foods that
are forbidden, or kumali to them, are named and repeated.
Kintjilbara (a snake) kumali, kulori (a yam) kumali^
kulungeni (flying fox) kumali, and so on, through the
whole list, which includes most of the good things. The
boys say nothing and the sun goes down.
When this ceremony is over they are once more sent
into the bush, still under the guardianship of the old
men. The other old men remain in camp, performing
ceremonies, and the women go out gathering food
supplies. If the boys chance to hear the lubras talking,
they must immediately bite up some paper bark and stuff
up their ears with it. On no account are the initiates
allowed to eat any food that has been secured or handled
by women ; everything that they eat must be given to
them by their guardians.
The ceremonies are carried on in camp for about five
moons, and during all this time the boys are in the bush.
When it is decided to bring them back, certain of the
Numulakiri, that is, young men who have previously
passed through this particular ceremony and, though
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 127
initiated, are not old enough to be allowed to see the
final series of ceremonies, called Muraian, are sent out by
the old men to bring the Ningari in. The older men
who have been looking after them have, meanwhile,
joined the others in the main camp. The Ningari boys
(A and B) come in, bending forwards, each with a
IS! umulakiri man's hand over his eyes. He is led to one
end of the tjaina ground, on which special individuals are
placed, during different stages of the performance, as
shown in the accompanying diagrams. To one side
stands an old murabulba man (i) who is supposed to
represent a great old kangaroo ancestor, called
Munamera ; squatting down by the side of the jamba is
a man (4) called dabinji-wanbui ; to one side, at the end
of the ground, opposite to that at which the Ningari
stands, is a man (5) called jiboulu-bulba with a trumpet.
In a corresponding position, at the opposite end of the
ground, are two men (2 and 3), called, respectively,
Marali and Mara-apul. All the rest of the men are
crouching down in two lines, one on each side of the
ground, and are covered over with heaps of grass stalks
(Diagram i). The arrangements of the performers at
different stages can be seen in the diagrams. The native,
Urangara, who gave us the account, illustrated it by
diagrams on the sand with sticks and stones for men and
a minute imitation of the bush shade.
As the Ningari are brought in, the old man, sitting by
the jamba, strikes it hard ; the trumpets sound and then
the men beneath the grass take deep breaths, saying
Oh ! Oh ! imitating the sound supposed to be made
by the kangaroo. Then they whistle. The boys
wonder what the noise is, because they can see nothing.
Suddenly the Numulakiri take their hands away and the
boys are told to look up and are warned that all they
128 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
see is kumali.
The Numu-
lakiri say to
them, 'Tjikaru
koiyu koyada
— don't talk
to Koiyu
(mothers) ;
Illaben legilli
koyada unko-
regora — don't
let the Illaberi
(younger
brothers and
sisters) see
(your) spittle ;
Illaberi korno
koyada unko-
regora — don't
let the Illaberi
see (your)
excrement ;
K u m b a r i
koyada kumali
koiyu — don't
laugh (to
your) koiyu
(about) the
kumali ; Un-
koregora
'Tjaina kumali
— look or see
the Tjaina, (it
is) kumali ;
A.B.
r\
kj
r~\
v-y
8
7
4
(1)
.-^
'' A.B
"^.
(2)
1
Explanation of Diagrams I, 2, 3, 4, illustrating the Jamba
ceremony. A and B, Ningari youths. C and D, Men
taking part in the ceremony. In Diagram I they
are covered with grass. I. Munamera, 2. Marali.
in
INITIATION CEREMONIES
.--'' A.b/;D
t3g
C
5
4
3
2
i
A^,
D,-
6
5
8
7
0=3
(3)
B.A.
7
v_y
(4)
1
3- Mara-apul. 4. Dabinji-wanbui. 5. Jiboulu-
bulba. 6. Waryanwer (bush shade). 7. Jamba
(hollow log). 8, Tjaina ground. The arrows
indicate the direction in which the men walk.
Tjikaru koyada
mareiyu willalu —
don't talk (when)
you go to the
camp ; Jam koyada
koiyu kumali —
don't (eat) mother
food, that is, food
gathered by a
koiyu^ it is kumali ;
Kuderu wirijonga
jau — to-day eat
wirijonga (various
parts of water
lilies, roots, stems,
seeds) ; lakadaitji
arongo bar aril jau
(after) five sleeps
eat fish.
During all this
time the trumpets
are sounding and
the d a b i n j i-
wanbui man is
vigorously beat-
ing the. Jamba, but,
after the above
instructions have
been imparted
and many times
repeated, the old
Munamera man
(i) gives instruc-
tions to the
130 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
musicians to stop and the two men join him at one end
and stand close by, where the man with the bamboo
trumpet has been stationed.
The Numulakiri men then lift the grass off the men
who have been whistling, saying, Ok ! Eh /Eh ! The
old men answer with groans and then rise on one knee,
stamping the ground and shouting Oh ! Eh ! Oh ! Eh !
Then, rising completely, they yell Trr ! Trr ! A-Jh !
The two lines of men unite together and, led on by the
Marali (2) and Mara-apul (3), who join them, they pass,
with a curious surging movement, round and round the
ningari (Diagram 2) and then round and round the
Tjaina ground (Diagram 3). While this goes on the
Numulakiri are saying to the Ningari, unkoregora morpiu
mirrawarra kumali. Look, the very big morpiu (a
general term applied to animals) is kumali ; Unkoregora
murabulba Munamera kumali, look, the old man Muna-
mera (he is) kumaH.
The lines of men are joined by the musicians, while
the Marali and the Mara-apul leave them and again stand
to one side with the Munamera (Diagram 4). These three
men are supposed to represent three great old kangaroo
ancestors and are spoken of as Tjeraiober, the latter
being the name of the particular series of ceremonies
enacted by the old men in connection with the initiation.
They have been performing these ceremonies while the
boys were in the bush. On the next occasion the boys
will be allowed to see them. The men get more and
more excited until at last they pass through the bush
shade, after surging round and round it, lifting it up,
as they do so, and scattering the boughs in all directions,
yelling Kai ! Kai ! JVrr ! Wrr ! This over, they gather
the boughs and grass together and set them on fire.
While the fire is burning, the Numulakiri men take the
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 131
Ningari on their backs and dance round and round the
fire, in company with all the men, save the three
Tjeraiober, who stand to one side, watching. The old
men say, Umbordera kala koiyu wari nirwi, illaberi kuballi
nungorduwa wari nirwi willalu mununga, which means,
freely translated, to-day you hear your koiyu calling and
the illaberi and many women at the camp. Then they
say, kormilda mareyida willalu, to-morrow we all go
together to the camp ; kormilda ngeinyimma kupakapa,
to-morrow you bathe, balera kuderi, afterwards red ochre.
That night they camp near the "Tjaina. The old men
have made armlets and hair belts and, on the next day
they say, Bordera ngeinyaminna ^ kujorju, winbegi, to-day
you armlets, that is, to-day you wear armlets ; Bordera
ngeinyaminna gulauer, to-day you wear hair belts. Having
said this, they put the belts and armlets on the boys,^
who wash and are painted with red ochre. Then, one or
two of the older men take a piece of grass string and
scrape the Ningari s tongue with it, the idea being to
cleanse it, saying, nanjil kurrareya, tongue cleansed :
tjikaru koiyu pari, mother's talk leave behind. This is
done at the Tjaina, where a special fire is made to burn
the string and anything that is scraped off the tongue.
This brings the ceremony to a close and all the men then
leave the Tjaina ground and return to the main camp,
where the Ningari camp at one place by themselves.
There is no special reception of them by the women.
They have to be very careful, however, in regard to the
latter. They must not talk to the women nor allow them
to see their mouths open. Most especially they must not
expectorate in such a way that a woman can see them
' Ngeinyimma if addressing one, ngeinyaminna if addressing two, and
inyadima if addressing more than two boys.
- There are two kinds of armlets — those worn on the arm proper
are called ualtur or winbegi, those on the forearm are called kujorju.
K. 2
132 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
doing it. If they want to do so, they must hold their
heads down and cover the spittle with soil at once. They
have no idea why, but the old men have always told them
to do so. On no account must lubras see their teeth. If
they did, their (the men's) fingers would break out in
sores. When eating food they turn their faces away from
the women and also from their younger brothers, to
whom they may not speak. The mothers also tell the
latter not to speak to their elder brothers.
When five days have passed, a series of little
ceremonies is enacted. One old man goes out and
catches a fish that the natives call Bararil. Returning to
camp, the old man goes close to the Ningari and throws
the fish at him, so as to hit his thigh. This little
ceremony removes the kumali from the Bararil which,
henceforth, the youth may catch and eat. These cere-
monies are not all performed on the same day but at
irregular intervals, dependent on the caprice of the old
men, the object of them being to remove the kumali
from certain foods. The old men who perform them
may be fathers, elder brothers, or mother's brothers.
Another old man will go and spear a cat-fish and with its
jaw makes a slight cut on the Ningari's arm, saying,
kulekuli jau, you eat cat-fish. To take the kumali off
goose, or kurnembo, an old man brings some in to camp
and puts a wing of the bird on the Ningari s arm and
then with a Mumbarnba, or short throwing stick, he
breaks the main bone as it lies on the youth's arm, saying
to the latter, as he does so, Ningari kurnembo jau. These
little ceremonies go on until all the kumalis are removed,
and, on each occasion, the old man cuts off one of the
Ningari's winbegi, placing it in a special little bag, called
Nunguluwarra. When all the winbegi are cut off they
are burnt in the bag and the youth is free to go out into
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 133
the scrub and take part in the ordinary life, securing his
own food, which, during the continuance of the ceremony,
has been given to him by the old men.
2. The Ober Ceremony.
When it is decided to hold this ceremony in the
Kakadu tribe, two young Numulakiri men — that is youths
of perhaps fifteen to eighteen years of age, who have
passed through the Jamba ceremony — are sent out to visit
distant groups of the Kakadu and other tribes. Each of
them carries a wand, about four or five feet long, called
uro-ammi (Fig. 36). They make the wands under the
supervision of the old men, who tell them what they
must do. Carrying these, they are perfectly safe and can
pass through strange country and amongst strange natives
without any fear of molestation. When they come to a
strange camp they approach within hearing distance and,
standing close together, leaning upon their wands, they
sing a special song which is always associated with this
ceremony. The women have to reply with the call, Wait
Ba ! Wait Ba ! repeated loudly, as often as they can,
without drawing breath. They sometimes do this four-
teen or fifteen times. It is one of the most picturesque
of their songs, especially when heard at night time far out
in the bush. The boys at the men's camp every now and
then stand up and chant their song and, time after time,
from camps, some so far away that you can only just hear
the sound, comes back the answering cry of the women.
Wait Ba ! Wait Ba ! Urangara, our Kakadu informant,
told us that the song he sang when he was sent out was
as follows :
Le darning ge,
Rai la la
Le darning ge
Rai la la.
134 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
On the Alligator River, amongst the Kakadu tribe, two
youths, belonging to the Geimbio tribe, fortunately
happened to visit the camp while I was working there
with Mr. P. Cahill. The song they sang was,
Kadimanga
Di laian a
Di laian a
Kadimanga
Di laian a
Di laian a.
The women's refrain, which we heard repeated time
after time, was, as usual. Wait Ba ! Wait Ba ! It would
appear that the young men's song varies in different
tribes, but the women's is the same throughout. I heard
the same Wait Ba ! Wait Ba ! amongst the Port
Essington natives.
As soon as the song is heard in the distance everyone
knows what it means, and, after a time, an elder Numulakiri
man goes out and says to the youths, mere willalu — come
to the camp. The boys come in and are given food. In
each camp that they visit they stay two or three days and,
at intervals, they sing their song, the women always
replying with Wait Ba ! Wait Ba ! After they have
come to the last camp, the natives from this return with
the boys and, as they journey homewards, they visit the
different camps that they passed through and, from each of
these, a number of men, women, and children, join the
party until, at last, they come within a mile or two of the
home camp. The two youths then go ahead and are
met by two or three of the men from the home camp.
They return to the strangers saying, nguorki kramilla,
mardua, mureyimba willalu^ which means literally, " white
paint, afternoon, we altogether go camp." In other
words, we will all paint ourselves white this afternoon
in INITIATION CEREMONIES 135
and go to the camp. The men who met them go back
to the main camp and report that the boys and the other
natives are close at hand and will come in in the afternoon.
After they have painted themselves, they advance, yelling
Krr ! Krr ! Oh ! Oh ! Arr ! Arr ! E-EE ! The old men
in the home camp say, Jereini (men), nigeri (new),
breikul (long way), willalu (camp). This means that new
men have come up from a camp a long way off. The
strangers, meanwhile, have left their women and children
where they first halted, and an old man now goes out
from the home camp and conducts them to the women's
quarters in the latter.
Before starting the sacred ceremonies connected with
the Ober, the local men dance and sing at the ordinary
camp, while the visitors sit down and watch them. All
the men visitors sleep at the main camp, but the Ober
jereini, that is, older men performing in the Ober, stay at
the special Ober camp and may not go near the women.
Having cleared the ground, they make once more a
Tjaina, just as in the first initiation series, and on this
they begin to perform sacred ceremonies. These may go
on one after the other for days, each one being associated
with a totemic group. A very good example of them
was one especially associated with a kangaroo group.
The main "Tjaina ground was about forty feet long
and ten feet broad, and in the middle of it was a bush
shade called Wungaritja, shaped like a beehive, about
four feet high and five feet in diameter at the base. At
right angles to the Tjaina, at the opposite end to the
shade, another ground, called Mungarni, ran out for about
twenty-five feet, forming a kind of side stage.
At one end of the Tjaina a piece of paper-bark was
placed on the ground and upon it a log of wood, which
was supposed to represent the old ancestral kangaroo-man
136 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
or man-kangaroo watching the ceremony, and was called
Budjeir. A few yards beyond this out in the scrub stood
the performers and audience gathered together. The
members of the latter were supposed to represent
different kinds of kangaroos. Sixteen men were
decorated, two of them represented Moain or fish
men, the rest were Marahornji, brush-tailed wallabies.
The first part of the performance consisted in the
decorated men being brought in, two by two, to the
Wungaritja. They came in at a run, each pair led
by two old men who stationed them round the shade
with their backs to it and their bodies bent forwards
(Figs. 37, 38, 39, 40). Each man, or most of them,
wore a tuft of white cockatoo feathers on his head, and
with their hands on their knees they swayed about from
side to side. When all had been brought in, two old
men placed themselves on the side of the shade furthest
from the Budjeir. The men gathered behind them with
the audience on each side, and with sticks held out
in both hands in front of them, the two leaders performed
a quaint dance down the middle of the "Tjaina, during
which they were supposed to be imitating the movements
of native companions (yimeribund). This dance is called
Man-ur-ur, the r being very distinctly sounded. After
reaching the end of the Tjaina they stopped and everyone
walked back to where the audience had originally stood.
After a short pause, the same two old men brought the
performers in one by one and placed them in a line along
the Mungarni, the two Moain men in front, the kangaroos
behind (Diagram 5). While this was going on, one man
(B) was blowing hard at a bamboo trumpet, another (C)
was constantly bringing a long stick, which he held in both
hands, crashing down on the ground, and a third (D) was
clanging two sticks together. The "trumpet," which they
Fig. 38. Scene in the Ober Ceremony. Kakadu Tribe.
F'g- 39- Scene in the Ober Ceremony. Kakadu Tribe.
Fit;. 40. Scene in hie (Jhek Cekemo.\v. Kakadu Tkibe.
Fig. 41. .Scene i.v the Oker Cere.mo.ny (Snake). Kakadu Tribe.
[Fail' page 136.
INITIATION CEREMONIES
137
call yihoulu, is simply a bamboo or hollow branch of a tree,
through which a man blows and produces a droning noise
which sounds something like " biddle-an-bum," with a
strong emphasis on the last syllable. Each of the
• • • o
A . .
1
2
y
^ \
B C
Diagram 5, illustrating the Ober Ceremony. i. Budjeir. 2. Tjaina ground.
3. Mungarni ground. 4. Wungaritja. A. Audience and performers during
intervals in the ceremony. B. Man with trumpet. C. Man with long stick.
D. Man with clanging sticks.
performers bent forward and placed his hands on the hips
of the man immediately in front of him. In this position
they swayed the upper parts of their bodies over from
side to side. The swaying was done in such a manner
138 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
that there was a sinuous line of movement which was
accentuated by the white cockatoo plumes. This went
on for some time, and then, to the accompaniment of
much clanging and trumpeting, they formed a procession,
circled round the shade, passed up and down the Tjaina,
and finally the decorated men dropped down on their
knees, forming two rows one on each side of the
Tjaina (Z,). The audience gathered round, and the three
men (B. C. D.) came and sang over each man in turn,
while the latter quivered and swayed about from side to
side, the audience meanwhile singing and clanging sticks
together. This occupied a considerable time, and then
the performers, on hands and feet, hopped away along
the 'Tjaina, and out into the scrub at the far end. They
were supposed to be imitating kangaroos. After another
pause, the performers were brought in two by two, and
placed, stooping down, all round the Wungaritja, with
their backs towards it — in fact, they were actually
pressing into it. The audience gathered round, singing
loudly, blowing the trumpets and clanging sticks, while
the decorated men swayed about. Suddenly, with a loud
yell, they all backed into the shade, smashed it to bits and
threw the boughs up into the air. Then they trampled
them to atoms and ended with a loud yell.
No one knows what it all means but, in some way, it
is associated with a group of ancestors who were led by
a very big old kangaroo named Jeru Ober. The
Wungaritja belonged to him and he used to rest in it
during the day, just as an old-man kangaroo now rests
in the shade of a tree, or bush, during the heat of the
day. He told the others to kill white cockatoos and
make white head-dresses. Then he made the Tjaina
and also the jiboulu — the hollow trumpet — and showed
them how to perform the ceremony. The others looked
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 139
on and said, Moara (well done), kala (a word meaning,
amongst other things, certainly, or, without doubt),
mahilabilla (dance). The kangaroo then said, " We are
like black-fellows now (^jereint), we will go underground
or the natives will see us. So they all went down,
excepting the Jeru Ober, who remained up for some time
but, finally, he too went into the earth, a short distance
away by the side of a big paper-bark tree. The original
ceremonial ground was at a place called Kupperi, between
the East and South Alligator Rivers. Only men who
have been through the Ober ceremony may go there ;
women and children must not go anywhere near.
Another very characteristic Ober ceremony is one
associated with three snakes. It is common to Kakadu,
Iwaidja, Umoriu, Geimbio and Kulunglutji tribes, all of
which belong to the Kakadu nation.
We had been out one day amongst the Kulunglutji,
who were visiting the Kakadu but were camped at the
foot of a range, some distance away from the main Kakadu
camp. They had been performing some of their cere-
monies and, after coming back to the Kakadu camp, we
learned that the latter were going to prepare a special
ground for the performance of the snake ceremony. A
place was chosen in the scrub, half a mile away from the
main camp. All the tussocks of grass were pulled up and
thrown to one side to make a special ceremonial ground,
called Goar. The latter was about forty feet long and ten
or twelve feet broad. In the middle there were two
forked sticks, fixed upright in the ground, each about
three feet high. A third stick lay in the forks, like the
ridge pole of a tent. It was, in fact, supposed to represent
a wurley, or mia-mia, called Jumungail, inhabited by the
snakes. As soon as the ground was cleared of grass and
twigs and the surface smoothed down, all the men retired
140 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
to one side and, to the accompaniment of trumpets,
clanging of sticks, and clapping of hands, it was "sung."
This "singing" was supposed to make the ground slippery
and in good order so that the performers could dance
well. At the same time they " sang " the snake and other
performances. When this was over the men returned to
their camp and the Goar ground was deserted for the
night. Early next morning they were at work, seated to
one side of the Goar, decorating three men with bands of
red ochre, dotted with white, on their chests and backs.
The men also wore on their heads tufts of white cockatoo
feathers. Of these three men, one represented a male
snake, called Ngabadaua, a quick-moving, vicious animal
of which the natives are very much afraid. The other
two represented, respectively, two non-venomous snakes,
one called Kuljoanjo and the other Jeluabi.
In the Iwaidji tribe, on the Coburg Peninsula, they
have the same tradition about Ngabadaua, but call it
Irrawurbut ; the other two snakes they call Intjuan and
Maijoanjoan. The Kakadua have a special name,
Ngumulaua, which they use for Ngabadaua when they
perform the sacred ceremony. No woman knows this
name.^
When all was ready the performers came on to the
ground accompanied by all the men except two, who
remained seated a little to one side, one of them blowing
a trumpet, the other clanging sticks. The first thing that
they did was to perform a dance, called Mauuru, during
which they ran round and round the Jumungail. When
' In some tribes the very old women are evidently allowed to know
more than the younger and middle-aged ones. How much they really
know of these sacred or secret rites it is not possible to say. In some
cases, where the women take a certain share in the performance, they are
always led by one or two of the older ones who evidently know more than
the others.
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 141
this was over, the three men representing the snakes took
their positions. Ngabadaua went to one end of the
ground and seated himself, facing the Jumungail, on a
hollow log called Purakakka. This is supposed to
represent a trumpet, and is the sacred name for the
ordinary one called Jiboulu. By his side also there was a
stick supposed to represent Ngabadaua's fire stick. The
two others went to the other end of the cleared space and
squatted down, back to back, on their haunches in such a
way that one faced the Jumungail and one looked away
from it, out into the scrub.
The remaining performers, who were not decorated,
arranged themselves in two lines, one on either side of the
Goar, between the Jumungail and the two men seated
back to back. The dancing then began. As a general
rule there was only one man dancing at a time. While
he danced all the others moved their bodies up and down,
striking their buttocks with the open palms of their hands.
The performer stamps as hard as he can with one foot
and, at the same time, he slides his other foot backwards
and forwards (Figs. 41 and 42). This is by no means an
easy movement, and requires considerable skill and prac-
tice to do it properly. As we watched the ceremony it
was very evident that there was a wonderful amount of
difference in the degree of skill shown by the various
performers. Each performer had the right of pointing
out his successor. This he did by touching the man's
foot with his own, either after, during, or immediately
before he began to dance. Sometimes he would touch
more than one, and sometimes, towards the end of his
dance, he drew a line on the ground in front of three or
four men, who all came out and danced together. The
dancing of each individual was most closely and critically
watched, and any especially good performance was much
142 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
appreciated. While the ceremony was in progress there
was a continual refrain kept up, all the men joining in.
It sounded like " ia, ia, eio, eio, eia, e, e, e, hok yai, hok
yai ! ! ! " ending up with a loud '' E ! E ! E ! ! ! "
While the men were dancing, the Ngabadaua began,
first of all, to quiver his body and to sway round and
round, quite irrespective of anything that the dancing men
were doing. When he stopped, the other two snake men
began to sway their bodies, and so they went on, alternat-
ing in this way, during all the time that the performance
lasted. After the dancing was over there was a pause,
during which, however, the three snakes continued their
movements. Led by one old man, the men who were
standing by the side of the Jumungail and had been
joined by the two men, one of whom was blowing the
trumpet and the other clanging sticks, now approached in
a body towards the man representing Ngabadaua, who
continued to quiver and sway about more vigorously than
ever. Every one was shouting " Bor-a, Bor-a, War,
War I " One old man then came close up to Ngabadaua,
threw a stone over each of his shoulders, and, after this,
the whole party suddenly wheeled round and ran to the
other end of the ground, where they formed a circle
round the two other decorated men. The latter quivered
and swayed about while the men bent over them, yelling,
blowing the trumpet, and clanging' the sticks. Then,
without changing their positions, the two snake men
began, amidst great excitement, to move along the
ground towards the Jumungail with a most peculiar
surging movement. Every now and then they
paused to quiver and sway their bodies while the men
sang —
in INITIATION CEREMONIES 143
Wa vva wa
A a ree ree
Hok ya hok ya
Arr arr
E e
Ha ha ha
Ree ree ree.
They moved along slowly and, all the time, Ngabadaua
was quivering and swaying from side to side. Just before
reaching the Jumungail the two men rose and came close
to it, surrounded by the others. They leaned over it for a
few minutes and then went to one side. This was the
signal for Ngabadaua to rise, which he did suddenly, and,
walking up to the Jumungail, brought his fire stick down
upon it and smashed it.
The natives said that the Jumungail was the home of
the three snakes. The dancing men represent other kinds
of snake men who have come up to look at Ngabadaua,
who is regarded as the most important head of the various
snake groups. The other snakes were frightened of him,
and were really trying to search for and kill him. The
throwing of stones over his shoulders is supposed to
represent an attempt to do this, but without success.
They are supposed, also, to find the two non-venomous
snakes out in the bush and persuade them to lead them
to Ngabadaua's Jumungail. This is represented in the
performance, and the entrance of all of them into the
Jumungail is typified by the men bending over the sticks
while the others stand quietly round. Ngabadaua then
comes up, sees that they are in the Jumungail, smashes the
latter and kills the natives. Ceremonies of this kind are
continued for a long time, and the visitors, before they
return to their own country, are presented with spears and
other things — gifts which later on will be returned, in
kind, when the local people visit the stranger's camp.
144 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
After the Ober there is not the elaborate removal of re-
strictions of kumali from food articles, such as occurs at
the Jamba, but there are, however, one or two rather
curious little ceremonies. Before a man, for the first time
after he has seen the Ober, eats any food, such as fish or
kangaroo, one of the old men must take a little bit of the
flesh and rub it under his armpit. Then he hands it to
the other man, who smells it, puts it in his mouth and
then spits it out again. In the case of the Mormo (sugar
bag), an old man smears some of it over his whiskers,
and it is sucked oflF by the Ningari youths, who are then
free to eat it.
(3). Jungoan Ceremonies.
No special messengers are sent out in connection with
these ceremonies, but if strangers, provided of course they
are initiated men, happen to be in camp they are allowed
to see them. The ceremonies are all associated with
totemic groups and, judging by what we saw, are not so
elaborate as those of the Jamba or Ober. They were of
course conducted in the scrub out of sight of the women
and the main camp, in a cleared space measuring about
twenty-five feet in length and six feet in width. In con-
nection with them I noticed one curious little feature in
regard to the drawing of the blood required as gum to fix
the down on the bodies of the performers. In most
northern tribes this is obtained by cutting a vein in the
arm, but here, for the first time, I saw them cutting
prominent veins on the back of the hand. The operation
is known as Kungkulabah and the little brush, made of
paper bark, that is used for smearing the blood on, is
called Kongott. So far as the decorations were concerned
they were very simple, consisting only of bands of red or
white down across the face and upper part of the body.
Fig. 43. JuNGOAN Ceremony. Kakauu Tkii;e.
Fig. 44. Swinging the Bull-roarer in the Larakia Tribe.
\_FaccJia£C 145
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 145
When all was ready, the decorated men went out into the
bush, about sixty or seventy yards away from the ground.
In the first ceremony four men came in, two at a time,
each of them approaching in a sinuous line, the two lines
crossing each other several times. Finally they came in
to where the remains of a fire lay, towards one end of the
ground, danced round this and then crouched down over
it. The second ceremony consisted in another batch of
four men doing the same thing, except that, after they had
come on to the ground, they all took hands and danced
round and round, alternately lifting and lowering their
arms, singing as they did so —
Ai-o, Ai-yu,
Ai-o, Ai-yu,
the " o " being sounded when the arms were high in the air
and the " yu " when they were low down, the intonation
following the up and down movement of the arms. The
audience, seated at one side, kept time by clapping their
hands (Fig. 43). After this a third batch of five men
came in, acting in just the same way as the other two and,
when they had finished, the whole thirteen took part in a
dance round the fire and then tumbled down on it. They
were lifted up by one of two old men, who had been
standing to one side beating time with sticks. The per-
formers were supposed to be young emus wandering
about, and the man who lifted them up represented their
mother.
After the emu ceremony was over two men came in
from the scrub. As they approached the ground they
peered around in all directions, imitating the actions of
" debil-debils," that is, mischievous spirits, in the form of
human beings, searching for honey bags. The last cere-
mony of the day opened with one of the old men, who
was standing by the side of the ceremonial ground, throw-
L
146 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
ing stones in the direction of two decorated men who
were hidden from view in the scrub. He threw one
stone to each side of them and one, which nearly hit
them, straight at them. The throwing of the last one
was the signal for the men to come out from their hiding
place. They rose from the ground, where they had been
crouching down and came forward, imitating kangaroos
gazing about and every now and then stopping to feed.
The man who threw the stones was supposed to be a
member of a mob of natives hunting kangaroos, and
throwing stones in amongst the long grass to see if any
animals were hidden there. After, alternately, gazing
round and pretending to feed, the performers came on to
the ceremonial ground, where the audience, to the accom-
paniment of the tik, tik, tik of clanging sticks, was sing-
ing loudly —
Murama puta puta
Lai lal lal a la.
As soon as they reached the remains of the fire, one of
the old men knocked their helmets off, an indication that
they had been killed by the men in pursuit of them, and
the performance came to an end.
The Jungoan simply consists of the performance of a
series of ceremonies which are strongly reminiscent of
those performed by southern tribes such as the Tjingilli,
Warramunga, and Arunta.
(4). Kulori Ceremony.
In connection with this ceremony, again, no messengers
are sent out. The lubras are instructed to go out into
the bush and collect quantities of kulori. The latter is a
special kind of yam, potato shaped, that they secure by
digging down from two to six feet in the ground. It is
what the natives call " hot," and before being eaten it must
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 147
be treated in a special way. First of all, an earth oven is
made by digging a hole in the ground, lighting a fire in
it and heating stones on the fire. The yams are placed
on the stones, grass stalks above the yams and then the
earth is shovelled in and heaped up to form a small
mound. This earth oven is called peindi and is very
often used for cooking. The yams have to remain in it
for twelve hours and then they are taken out and allowed
to cool, if they are not already cold. They are then cut
in slices, by means of a fish bone, placed in a " dilly bag"
with an open mesh work, and allowed to soak in water for
another twelve hours, after which they are considered fit
to eat.
When they decide to hold a kulori ceremony, the old
men take hold of the Ningari youths, while the latter are in
camp. Their mothers, sisters, and younger brothers are
supposed to cry when they see this done. There may be
several of them and each one is laid on the ground flat
on his back. The old men say to everyone in camp,
Breimba, ge, jirongadda, come, all, close up. Then, slices
of kulori are taken and spread out all over the body of
each Ningari. Everyone, men, women, and children,
come round and watch what is being done. After a short
time they remove the slices and lift each boy up by the
arm. Each youth is then given a little bit, a part of
which he chews and the rest he hands on to his mother's
elder sisters and to his younger brothers and sisters.
They must all chew it and then, putting their heads close
together, they must spit it into a small hole in the
ground, which is then covered up. This performance is
called Kulpri muralla (spit). After this the Ningari are
called Jereini kulori, or kulori men. The old man in
charge of the ceremony says to the lubras and children,
Ngorumba jauo,go away (get) food. To the men he says,
L 2
148 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
wait till the lubras have gone and we will cut sticks.
This has reference to a special bough hut called Moaih,
which is now made, and one end of which is left open.
The lubras and children must not see it, either after, or
during, its construction and, accordingly, they are told to
keep to certain tracks, to get their food and water there
and also to camp some distance away. When it has been
built, all the Kukri jereini are made to go inside and may
not come out during the day time until such time as the
boughs are quite faded and the leaves all shrivelled up.
If they want to micturate, the old men tell them to make
little holes in the ground. The lubras bring supplies of
food to the main camp, where it is taken over by the old
men who hand it to the Kuiori men.
Meanwhile Winbegi, or wristlets, have been taken into
the Moaih and put on all the Ningaris' arms, much as at
the close of the Jamba ceremony.
Every day, six men station themselves close around
the Moaib^ two at each end and one at each side and sing
refrains, each one associated with an article of food which,
until now, has been kumali to the Kuiori men. These
men are called Murana munga dunaitji, or, good throats.
While the singing goes on, the old men, some of whom
are in the Moaib, explain the refrains to the Kuiori men.
Some of the foods are " sung " on one day, others on
other days, and, as each one is " sung," the kumali, on
that particular food to which it refers, is removed.
The following are some of the refrains :
For the Kuiori yam,
Gamelgua janda, gamelgua langa.
For the Jabiru bird,
Ni gamberi illeri illeri
Ni gamberi nun in munga.
in INITIATION CEREMONIES 149
For the flying fox,
Wingbel-Wingbel murarai-ing-a.
For the quail,
Ni wa wa, ni wa wa, ninna rei inna
Kurn iwa wei, ni we we nitjinei inna.
For the Barrammada,
Yan brer we ling brerer.
For the Mullet,
Yan brer we ling mangei.
For the lily, called Wuridjonga,
Yin bimalerei id mungarei
Yin bi langa gaird munga
Yin bi bererert munga.
The men, apparently, have no idea of the meaning of
these refrains, and none of them contain the name of the
food article to which they refer. They have been handed
down from generation to generation.
Any old man, a father or elder brother, may either
place the Winbegi on the Kulori men, or take them off,
but the lubras must not see them, so that the men, when
all is over and they come out of the Moaib, must keep
out of the way of the women. They go out searching
for food and, if they capture any of those referred to, they
must bring it into camp. If, for example, a man catches
a Barramunda he brings it up to an old man who rubs
him all over with red ochre, takes a Winbegi off and then
he is free to eat the fish, and so on with all the others.
The following refrain is sung in the Moaib while the
Winbegi are being made and put on :
Minang minang ererei innei
Yan minang minang kumali innei
Yan minang minang ererei innei.
ISO NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Muraian Ceremony.
The Muraian Ceremony consists partly of perform-
ances much like those of the Jungoan and partly of, at
all events, one very special performance. We saw some
of the dances performed by members of the Kulunglutji
tribe which inhabits the country at the head waters of
the East Alligator River. These men had come in to
visit the Kakadu and had formed a camp some distance
away from the latter. Out in the scrub, they had built
a bough wurley with an opening on the side facing
away from the ceremonial ground, close by which it was
placed. Their decorating was always done some fifty
yards away from the wurley, out in the scrub. It was of
a very crude description, consisting only of smearing,
sometimes the whole upper part of the body, with red or
yellow ochre or white pipe clay, or, sometimes, they drew
lines and bands of various colours.
There is no set order for these performances, every-
thing depending on two or three old men who act as
leaders. Decorating for different performances is carried
on at the same time and place, to the accompaniment of
the usual singing. We witnessed the ceremonies of two
days and, apparently, except the special one referred to
later, they are all of the usual type. The first day we
had a fire, a wallaby, and a turtle ceremony. When the
decorating was over, each party, led by an old man
clanging sticks, came in to the wurley, each man
crouching down as he did so. The opening of the
wurley was so arranged that the performers inside it
were hidden from the audience on the ceremonial ground.
The performance opened with a fire ceremony. The
performers were led out of and round the wurley, in
single file, by an old man, who stationed himself beside
the ground, clanging his sticks, and shouting, Kau ai u
HI INITIATION CEREMONIES 151
wai ya, while the men danced for a short time. The
dancing was decidedly vigorous, the men often running
round and round with exaggerated knee action and arms
extended. Then they knelt down, swaying their bodies
from side to side and moving their hands as if they
were working fire sticks.
Then followed a wallaby {Kumabulld) ceremony, the
performers being led by another old man. There was
nothing special about this, just the usual dancing, though
this differed from that of the first in being more of the
nature of an Irish Jig. Lastly there came the turtle.
The leading old man and six performers came out on to
the ceremonial ground, the others stayed inside. There
was the usual clanging of sticks, singing, and dancing, the
old man always dancing first in front of the others.
After a time, those who had remained in the wurley,
crept out on all fours, one by one, through a hole that
they had made on the side nearest the ceremonial ground,
and came on to the latter rolling about. They were
supposed to represent turtles feeding, and, while they
were doing this, the others came and danced round
them. The performance came to an end with all the
performers prancing about with their arms thrust out
while they yelled, 2>r, Yer^ at at !
On the second day we had Wallaroo (a species of
kangaroo) and Turkey ceremonies. The men were
decorated together and each party was led to the wurley
by its own old leader just as before. The Kangaroo
men had curious bands running slantwise down their
chest and backs and along their legs, which designs were
supposed to represent the backbone of the kangaroo.
They came hopping out through the hole in the wurley
and danced round as usual. The turkey men did just
the same, except that, before they left the wurley, men
IS2 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
who had taken part in the Kangaroo dance set to work
to claw at the bushes on the outside. They were
supposed to be imitating flying foxes hanging in the
trees under which the turkeys were resting.
We discovered, however, that there were certain very
sacred objects associated with the Muraian ceremony.
Each one is intimately connected with a totemic group,
and there may be more than one for each group. We
came across the first one through a casual reference
made to it by an old Kakadu man. It was a small
stone which was called Iwaija Kopereipi, that is, Emu
egg. These objects, however, are so intimately associated
with the totemic groups that I have dealt with them in
that connection.^
In certain respects, though it is not connected with the
performance of fire ceremonies or ordeals of any kind,
the Muraian, inasmuch as it forms the last stage in the
series of initiation ceremonies, is comparable to the
Engwura of the Arunta Tribe. In the Kakadu Tribe
the fuUy initiated man has the special status term of
Lekerungun, just as in the Arunta he has that of Urliara,
applied to him. When once he has passed through the
Muraian, he may witness, and take part in, all the sacred
ceremonies, and nothing is hidden from him.
The Larakia tribe, which once inhabited the country
round about Darwin, is now much too decadent to retain
anything more than mere vestiges of its old customs.
The members of the tribe are also mixed with those of
numerous others who have been drawn in to the settle-
ment from early days. Unfortunately, no adequate
account of their ceremonies has ever been written^ and
' See Chapter iv.
'' The best accounts that we have of this tribe are those of Foelsche,
Trans. R.S. South Aust., Vol. 5, 1882, and Basedow, op. cii., Vol. 31,
1907.
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 153
it is now too late to have the opportunity of actually
watching the natives carrying them out under normal
conditions.
The following account was given to me by an old man
who was well acquainted with what formerly took place
and, thanks to the assistance of my friend, Mr. G. W.
Stretton, now Chief Protector of Aboriginals for the
Northern Territory, I was able to watch a representation
of the performance of a part of the ceremony during
which the sacred bull-roarers, called Bidu-bidu by the
Larakia, are shown to the initiates. As in the case of the
Melville and Bathurst Islanders and the Kakadu and
allied tribes on the mainland, the Larakia ceremonies do
not include any mutilation of the body.
There are two grades of initiation admitting a man
respectively to the status of Belier and Mullinyu.
The Belier ceremony was, apparently, held once every
year at a time decided upon by the old men, who also
determined what youths should be initiated at any given
ceremony, though all men of the rank of Belier, Mullinyu,
and Lariba knew what was taking place.
As usual in such circumstances, the opening of the
ceremony, which is called Makulauri, is marked by the
holding of an ordinary corrobboree at which all members
of the local camp, as well as visitors from other tribes, are
present. At this corrobboree the selected youths are
picked out by the old men and given into the charge of
special guardians, who are called Birra-pirra-pirra. As
soon as the corrobboree is over the youths are taken out
into the bush by their guardians, the women, from under
whose control they are now passing, weeping and wailing.
A camp is made out in the bush and here the boys are
kept, except that every now and then they are taken to
the main camp and shown to the women, but no inter-
154 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
course of any kind is allowed with the latter, who are
carefully watched over by certain old men, told ofF for the
purpose. The youths, meanwhile, are allowed to eat but
little and are even supposed to give to their guardians a
part of the small supply of food with which they are
provided. The old men tell them that, if they eat much,
some one will come up and kill them during the night,
and that they, their guardians, will not prevent this from
being done nor be angry with the doer. They are con-
tinually instructed in tribal customs and are told, time
after time, that they must not steal, must not interfere
with other men's lubras, but must imitate the old men.
They are made to sit down quietly, are continually hit
with spear throwers, and kicked and cuffed so as to hurt
them a great deal, but, whatever may be done to them,
they must on no account show any resentment or they
will be still more seriously dealt with. This is supposed
to have the effect of making the youth a "good " black-
fellow. During this period, also, the guardian cuts the
Belier on the chest so as to make the two raised cicatrices
that are the mark of a Belier.
When they have been a considerable time in the bush
the youths are brought back and led to a special camp in
the scrub, hidden from the sight of women and strangers.
First of all they are made to sit down in a row on the
ground with their faces turned away from a space that
has been cleared in the scrub, in which the important
ceremony of showing them the sacred bull-roarer is to be
enacted.
A young man who has attained the status of Belier is
now in charge of each youth, lest he should feel
frightened and run away. The old men, four or five in
number, who must have reached, at least, the status of
Mullinyu and who are to swing the bull-roarers, go away
Fig. 45. Showing the Bull-roarer to the Initiates.
Larakia Tribe.
Fig. 46. Placin'G the Bull-roarer on the Hands of the Initiates.
Larakia Tribe.
[Face paf^c 155.
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 155
into the bush where the youths cannot see them and
paint themselves. The bull-roarers are thin flat slabs of
wood from a foot to eighteen inches in length. They are
two or three inches in greatest width, are rounded at one
end and truncate at the other, through which a hole is
bored for the attachment of three or four yards of string.
They are ornamented with alternate lines of red and white.
The old men emerge from the scrub so that they can-
not be seen by the youths, who have their backs turned
to them. Their eyes also are covered by the hands of
the Beliers in charge of them. Out in the open ground
the men begin to swing the bull-roarers round and round,
gradually approaching the youths as they do so (Fig. 44).
The latter are supposed to be very frightened, because
they, like the women and children, have been taught to
believe that the sound is the voice of a great old man
who has come to take them away into the mangrove scrub.
Suddenly their guardians turn the boys round, take
their hands away from their eyes and tell them to look at
the old men whirling the Bidu Bidu. They stand up and
for some time the whirling goes on, the youths watching
in silence. Presently the old men come close- up to the
boys, who stand in a row. Each old nian, holding one of
the Bidu Bidu, comes up to a boy and stands in front of
him. First of all he rubs the stick through his
own armpit and then across his stomach (Figs. 45, 46).
If he did not do this, it is supposed that the strong
magic of the Bidu Bidu might enter the boy's body
and cause him to swell up. He then rubs the stick
through the boy's armpit and pokes his stomach with
one end of it, after which the boys are told to hold
out their hands and the sticks are placed on them. Each
one is told that it is Bidu Bidu, that the noise is not
a voice but is made by the stick, and that on no account
156 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
whatever are the lubras to see the sticks or know any-
thing about them. Meanwhile the boys are told that
they may take the sticks, which will help them to catch
fish and secure food. They carry them about in the
scrub, avoiding the women and children, for two or three
months, after which they are completely destroyed by
fire, no trace of them, string or wood, being left.
When this is over the youths are brought into camp
where all the natives, men, women, and children, are
gathered together, the women having brought in a large
supply of food that is placed in the middle of the
ground. The latter is margined by a raised bank of
sand with an opening at one side. The men and women
sit around so as to leave the centre and entrance free.
Everyone is on the watch and after a time a procession
is seen in the distance consisting of the newly-initiated
youths and their guardians. They have all been decorated
with lines of pipe clay and red ochre and approach in
single file, one old man in the lead, then the youths,
and then the remaining guardians. The leading old
man first of all runs round and then sits down near
the entrance. One after the other the youths go round,
showing themselves to all the members of the camp.
Should any one of them have a lubra betrothed to him,
that lubra sits down close beside the boy's mother, who
watches over her. The youth, when he has walked
round, comes and sits with his back to the girl, a small
fire being placed between them. The other youths sit
down in the centre of the camp, still watched over by
their guardians, one of whom distributes the store of
food, which is shared by everyone. That night is spent
in the special camp. In the morning it is deserted and
everyone goes back to his ordinary life and camp. The
youths are now ranked amongst the Belier men and may
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 157
take part, at first only to a slight extent, but gradually
more and more, in the various ceremonies.
After a man's first child has been born some of the
really old men, or Lariba, take him away with a number
of others who are of the status of MuUinyu, that is, fully
grown men with children. Out in the bush ceremonies
are performed. The man must not go near his lubra, in
fact he is kept out in the bush for two or three months.
He is told that he must treat his lubra well and not beat
her, that he must not quarrel with the other men and
that he is now a grown man — a MuUinyu.
In the Worgait Tribe, which inhabits country to the
south-west of Darwin, there are also two important cere-
monies connected with initiation. In this, as in the
majority of the Central and Northern tribes, initiation is
associated with the operation of circumcision, and it
belongs to a group of tribes, including the Warrai,
Djauan, and NuUakun, in which the operation of sub-
incision is not practised.
At the first ceremony, which is called Kundein, the
mothers' brothers (kukkd), fathers {boppd), fathers' fathers
{ffigd), and mothers' brothers' sons (ngunga), consult and
decide that it is time for a certain youth to be initiated.
Accordingly, one day, when all are in camp together, two
or three of his ngunga men seize the boy. All know
what this means and the lubras immediately begin to
howl and cry, the actual and tribal mothers cut their
heads with knives and pointed sticks, the sisters cut
themselves and the old men pretend to cry.
The ngungas take the boy away and travel through the
bush until they come into the country of another tribe,
such as the Larakia, amongst whom they will spend two
or three months. During all this time the boy is watched
by the ngungas, and may not go near the lubras. He is
158 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
taken to various Laralcia camps, each with its own local
name — Gwiamabirra, Top Camp ; Minbirra, Lamaru
Beach Camp ; Duledgibirra, Two Fellow Creek Camp ;
Ingwinbirra, Lighthouse Camp. At every camp that he
visits, spears, wommeras, head bands, belts, etc., are given
to him. At length he gathers all his presents together
and, accompanied by his ngungas, travels back to his own
Worgait camp, collecting as he goes along the natives
from the different camps that he has visited.
When the party comes within one day's march of the
home camp a halt is made and, leaving the boy in cliarge
of the Larakia visitors, the ngungas go ahead to their own
camp. After a halt, so as to allow the ngungas to get well
ahead, the party starts off again, the times being so
arranged that the ngungas get into camp about sunrise the
next morning. The men and women are aroused, and a
general wailing takes place. It is etiquette for the ngungas
to say that they had lost the boy, or that he had run away
from them and been killed by strange natives. The
lubras are supposed to believe this, and accordingly they
howl aloud. After this little bit of pretence has been
enacted, the ngungas return to where the boy is camped
with the Larakias. In the afternoon the party comes on
with the Larakia men, the visitors in the lead. The boy
is guarded by his ngungas. All the Worgait natives, men
and women, are seated in a semicircle in their camp and,
while the Larakia men halt in front, the ngungas bring the
boy on and seat him between his father (hop-pa) and his
mother's brother (kukka). Behind the boppa is the boy's
mother, and behind the kukka is his future wife. This is
a signal for all the Worgaits to cry. After a short time
the Larakia men begin to dance and sing while the
Worgaits quietly watch them. This over, the Larakia
men take the boy away for a short time into the bush.
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 159
The Larakia women stay behind, as do also the ngunga
men. Later on the Larakia men return with the boy ; the
Larakia women stand in two groups, one on either side.
The ngungas advance, and the boy is handed over to them.
The Worgait natives, men and women, are seated together
on the ceremonial ground.
This handing back of the youth to the ngungas is the
signal that the ceremony of circumcision is about to be
performed. In the middle of the ground three ngungas
lie down side by side with their heads lying face down-
wards on their folded arms. The boy is placed on them,
another ngunga sits on his chest, one holds his legs open,
and a third, who is called ngulla ngura, pulls the foreskin
forwards and cuts it ofF with a sharp stone flake. As
soon as the ngungas lie down, sheets of paper bark are
placed round so that the lubras do not actually see the
operation. The Larakia women retire and stand some
little distance away. While the operation is in progress
the mother's brother (^kukka) of the youth cuts the latter's
Ngungaran woman on the back, the father cuts the
mother's back, and others cut themselves. The Ngungaran
woman is the daughter of the kukka man and the future
wife of the boy who is being initiated.
As soon as the operation is over the newly initiated
youth, who is now admitted to the status of Kundein or
Muragull, is surrounded by the grown men and led away
for about two hundred yards, the women remaining in
camp, cutting themselves and wailing. The men tell him
that he is now a man, and that he must not allow the
lubras to see his private parts. He is decorated with arm
bands {dekra), a hair girdle (bulkung) made out of the hair
of one of his ngunga men, and white cockatoo feathers.
Black cockatoo feathers he may not wear ; these are
reserved for the old men.
i6o NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
A special support, called ngurabik, in the form of a
small loop, is made for the penis, which is tied up to his
waist belt. He carries also a small object called mam-
murung, which is only a stick wrapped in fur string. It
has, however, been " sung " by the old men, and is full
of magic. If he falls asleep and might hurt his penis by
pressing on it, the mammurung strikes him and wakes him
up. All these things, when he has recovered, he returns
to the ngunga from whom he received them, and to him
also he gives everything that has been presented to him
by the Larakia visitors.
The ceremony is called yarra balumna (cut) mura (penis),
and when it is over the Larakia return to their own
country.
The foreskin, called yarrang mura, is red ochred,
wrapped up in paper bark and put into a little dilly bag,
which is given to the boy, who is warned not to lose it on
any account. The boy, who is now Kundein, is kept out
in the bush for two months longer, during which time he
is under the strict guardianship of his ngunga and may not
speak to anyone except the latter, and then only if he be
spoken to first. When the wound is healed a number of
men go out into the bush, leaving others in camp with
the lubras. Out in the bush a procession is formed, and
just at sundown the men return walking in single file,
the kundein in front, the ngunga man next, and the others
behind. The lubras are seated in camp, and the procession
walks round so that the boy can be seen by all the women.
That night the boy sleeps in camp, watched over by his
ngunga, with a small fire between him and his ngungaran
woman, that is, his future wife, who is watched over by his
mother. In the morning the ngungaran returns to her
father's camp, and all go out into the scrub except the
boy, who is not supposed to walk about much and is still
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES i6i
guarded by a ngunga and provided with food. Finally,
when he has quite recovered, he hands the yarrung mura^
or foreskin, to the ngunga man, who cuts it into small
pieces and burns it out in the bush. The kukka and
ngunga then tell the initiated youth that he may take his
lubra, and, without any further ceremony, they go out
together into the bush hunting and, after a short time,
return and settle down in camp.
After a man has secured a lubra and the latter has had
a child, he becomes admitted to the further status of
Baquett. The older men, his kukka, boppa, ngunga, talk
the matter over, and one day, while they, together with
the younger man, are in camp, they say, " Let us go and
fish," which is a signal for them all to go into the bush
and make a special camp, where the ceremony of miba
jerrajeva, that is, showing the bull-roarer, or Bidu Bidu,
is performed. This is very much the same as amongst
the Larakia tribe. Three or four men are painted and
carry the sacred sticks. The Kundein youth is held by two
or three of the elder ngungas, who tell him to keep quiet
and not be frightened. Then the older men, whirling the
Bidu Bidus, come out of the bush. The Kundein s eyes
are covered up and he either is, or pretends to be, very
frightened, believing that the noise is the voice of a
great old man who has come to take him away. The
ngungas, however, reassure him, and tell him that it
is only a piece of wood, and that the sound is made by its
whirling. They then show it to him, pass it under his
armpits, and place it on his hands, after which it is given
to him to carry about. For two or three months he
remains out in the bush. Finally, he breaks the Bidu
Bidu in pieces and burns them until not a trace of
it is left. After this he is regarded as having acquired
the status of Baquett. Later on, when his hair begins to
M
i62 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
turn grey, he will be recognised as one of the Namyuk or
old men.
The Djauan tribe inhabits the country on the Katherine
River, and is closely allied in its customs and organisation
to the Worgait. When a youth attains puberty the old
men consult and decide that the time has come to initiate
him. Only one boy is usually initiated at a time, and the
ceremony is held during the cool season. When all the
natives, men, women, and children, are gathered together
in camp, the boy is seized by two or three men who
stand to him in the relationship of walnagung, that is,
wife's father. They take him, accompanied by all the
men in camp, to a special ceremonial ground out in the
bush, where he is shown a series of totemic ceremonies
called, collectively, Mindirinni. After having been through
some of these ceremonies, during which the men
are decorated with birds' down and wear bunches of leafy
twigs on their legs, the operation of circumcision is
performed. Two of the walnagung men lie on the
ground, the youth is placed on them, a third walnagung
sits on his chest, and a fourth performs the ceremony.
The boy is now shown the bull-roarer, or Kunapippi, and
told that he must say nothing about it to the women,
who would be struck dead if they should chance to see it.
When the ceremony is over, the Kunapippi is taken away
and placed in a secret place by the old men. At first the
foreskin is placed in a small dilly bag called monuik.
After a short time it is handed over by the walnagung to
the father who cuts it in two. One half he keeps himself,
the other he hands to the youth, who must remain out in
the bush until the next cool season comes. The boy
finally hands over his half of the foreskin to his father,
who buries both pieces in a hole in the ground, to
which the name of "Tuan is given. No one interferes
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 163
with the Tuan ; if anyone should attempt to secure the
foreskin, the father of the boy would kill him. When
this has been done, word is sent to the women, who go
out and bring in a supply of food, yams, etc., while the
men prepare a special camping ground on to which the
food is brought. The men and women sit round and the
walnagung bring the youth in and walk round so that he
can be seen by all. They all sleep in the camp that
night, and after this the ceremony comes to an end, the
boy is regarded as having attained the status of Lagaian,
and he may, if a lubra has been allotted to him, take her
as his wife.
Later on, when he has a child, the old men take him
to a camp, far away in the bush, where they perform
a number of totemic ceremonies in which he himself
is allowed to take part. This admits him to the status
of Mungai, the equivalent of Mullinyu amongst the
Larakia, or that of Baquett amongst the Worgait.
The Mungarai tribe, which inhabits country along the
middle portion of the Roper River, is one of a large
group of allied tribes extending over wide areas in Central
and Northern Australia, from Oodnadatta in the south to
Daly Waters in the north and from the interior of
Queensland on the east right across the continent to the
western seaboard. These tribes all agree in having the
eight sub-class organisation with descent in the paternal
line, and in performing the initiation rites of circumcision
and subincision.
Only one youth is initiated at a time. When the
mother's brothers {ngagung^ think the boy old enough
they speak to his father and instruct one of their sons
who is namminjeri (or wife's sister) to the latter to take
charge of him. He is taken Into the men's camp, which
is called mallam, and here while they are all quietly sitting
M 2
i64 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
down together the namminjeri comes up and puts one
hand behind his head and the other in front of his eyes.
The women are in their own camp, called Kallia, some
little distance off, where they can see what is being done
but cannot hear what is said. The boy's ngulangnunyi^
own and tribal mothers and his ngulababba^ sisters, begin
to cry and the namminjeri^ who will henceforth be his
special mate, and is always older than the boy, says to
him, " Don't be frightened ; I want you to walk about a
man." A camp has been previously made out in the
bush by clearing a space twenty or thirty yards long,
heaping the earth up along either side and closing in one
end with a brake of boughs.
Into this camp which is called Kalal the boy is brought
just before sundown, accompanied by most of the men in
camp.
Some time previously, messengers carrying kunapippi or
bull-roarers have been sent to various camps inviting them
to come and take part in the ceremony. These messengers
go to distant groups in the Mungarai tribe and to the
camps of friendly tribes such as the NuUakun. Carrying
the kunapippi they are perfectly safe and, on the return
journey, they collect the visitors and leisurely return to
the home camp, the numbers of the party increasing as
they come nearer home. Near to the main camp they
halt while the messengers go on to report their arrival,
though this has been announced beforehand by smoke
signals, and to announce what visitors have come. Some
of the older men return with the messengers to the
strangers who are formally welcomed ; the women are
taken to the women's camp and the men to the Kalal. It
is customary at all such gatherings for the different camps
to indicate approximately the locality of their occupants.
Thus, for example, men from the west will be found on
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 165
the west side of the camp, men from the east on the
east side, and so on.
When darkness comes on the bull-roarer is sounded in
the Kalal ; the women, in their camp, hear it and think it
is the voice of a spirit called Nagumguruk that has come
to take the boy away and, time after time, they cry out
kel-a-bill-a-la. The Mungarai men first of all go inside
the camp and range themselves along the two sides ; the
boy who, at this particular stage, is known by the status
term Ikmurli, sits at one end close to the bough shelter,
watched over by his namminj eri. He is naturally very
frightened, not knowing what is going to happen to him,
because up till now he has firmly believed that the sound
of the bull-roarer is really that of a spirit who has taken
other boys away.
Fires are lighted and, first of all, the strangers dance
wildly round and round, outside the raised lines and the
bough brake. As they do so they continually shout out
the names of different totems. Sugar-bag, Lily, Kangaroo,
Snake, Lizard, etc. While this is going on two of the
local men stand up, shouting loudly, A-A-A, each of
them at the same time moving a hand rapidly backward
and forward in front of his mouth. Every tribe has its
own name for the very peculiar and far-reaching sound
produced in this way. The Mungarai call it Tjangulumma
and, in this tribe, it is said that only men of the Tjabijin
sub-class have the right to make it.
Before the beginning of the ceremony the women have
collected large stores of lily roots that have been ground
on stones and made into cakes which have been brought
into the camp and are now presented to the strangers.
Outside the camp, in the dark, two men incessantly whirl
the bull-roarer. For some days the men remain in the
camp performing ceremonies concerned with the totemic
i66 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
groups. These are called warwiran, which is the equiva-
lent of the word quabara amongst the Arunta. The
Mungarai also have a term kurnallan, which is, apparently,
the equivalent of akheringa in the Arunta and refers to
the far past times during which their old ancestors lived.
The sacred ceremonies are shown to the boy and explained
to him. They vary according to the men who are in
camp but are all associated with the totems — bandicoot,
native companion, sugar-bag, crocodile, etc. He is in-
structed in regard to the traditions of the ancestors and
told what he must and what he must not do now that he
is no longer a boy. He is particularly warned against
eating snake, goanna, or fish ; he may eat plenty of lily
roots and seeds, but should he eat these animals until he
is an older man, he will become lame and deformed. Not
only is he shown these ceremonies but, for the first time,
he sees and actually handles a kunapippi. Further still,
his namminjeri decorates him with the special design of his
totem, called mungaiini, the name and existence of which,
told him by his father, he now learns for the first time.
The Mungarai word for totem is namaragua. During
the performance of the ceremonies songs are sung in
which the Kurallan names for the various animals and
plants are used. Thus one of the refrains, repeated time
after time, is Marunga, marunga ma, waididjiy waididji ma.
Marunga is the Kurallan name for the cat-fish which, in
ordinary circumstances, is called warba ; waididji is the
frilled lizard. The women and children never hear the
terms warba or waididji.
These ceremonies are spread over several days. When
they are over the operation of circumcision is performed.
Three of the boy's namminjeri lie down on the ground
and the boy is placed on them. One man sits on his
chest and two others hold his legs open while a mother's
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 167
brother [ngagung) performs the actual operation. After
it is over the boy, who has now reached the status of
Wandella, is made to sit on a log so that the blood from
the wound falls on to a piece of paper bark. The
special namminjeri, who has been watching over him, at
once takes it and shows it to his mother. The latter
tells him to take it to the boy's father who, in his turn,
tells the namminjeri to give it to his own father, that is
the mother's brother of the boy. This man keeps it for
a short time and then places it by the side of a water
hole, where it is left. The foreskin also is handed to the
namminjeri, who keeps it for a year, wrapped in paper
bark, and then hands it over to the boy, who gives him
spears and other implements. The boy is told to show
it to his mother, who, again, tells him to give it to his
father, and the latter, after retaining it for some time,
buries it by the side of a lagoon near to which only old
men may go.
At a later period the Wandella youth must pass
through the ceremony of subincision, after which he is a
man, a Nadiriga, the same name also being applied to
the ceremony. When this is performed the men sit
down at a special camp, the women being some distance
away. The Wandella man is in the middle with the
older men all round. His ngagung tell the namminjeri to
take hold of him, which they do, at the same time tying
string round his arm and decorating him with bird's
down {lanur), which no women is allowed to see.
Singing goes on all night and no one sleeps. At day-
break, the Wandella youth is placed on two namminjeri,
who lie down on the ground, another namminjeri sits on
his chest and a fourth performs the operation of sub-
incision with a stone knife. The blood from the wound
is collected on a piece of paper bark, and, this time, is
i68 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
taken by the namminjeri first to the father. He gives it
to the boy's mother and she takes it away and either
places it in a hollow trunk or buries it in the bank of
a lagoon where lilies grow and where also there is what
the natives call a Mungaiini, that is, a place at which
in the olden times the totemic ancestors left spirit
children behind them. This water hole then becomes
tabu to all other lubras, but the presence of the blood is
supposed to make the lilies grow. After, perhaps, two
years the grass all round it is burned and then all lubras
may go there and gather lilies.
After the operation the Nadiriga man is taken away
into the bush under the charge of his namminjeri who,
together with other older men of the same relationship,
provide him with food. When he has quite recovered
he is painted all over with fat and red ochre and
ornamented with armlets and birds' down. The men
gather together and perform a sacred totemic ceremony
in which he takes part. After it is over a forked stick
is placed against a gum tree and under the former, on
which he sits, a fire is lighted with plenty of green twigs,
so that he is well smoked. This and the painting with
red ochre are supposed, amongst other things, to protect
him against snake bite. One of the men in camp, who
told me what had happened to himself, had, un-
fortunately, not been completely red-ochred. There
was just one spot on his foot which had been left
untouched and here, a few years ago, a snake had bitten
him at Borroloola on the Gulf of Carpentaria, in proof
whereof he showed me the scar.
During the whole time that the youth is out in the
bush he may not speak to anyone — not even to his
namminjeri — except by means of gesture language. He
is not released from the ban of silence until he has
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 169
passed through the Nadiriga ceremony and has returned
to camp. Here the men sit in one group and the
women in another, about thirty yards apart from one
another. First of all the namminjeri leads the Nadiriga
man up to the group of women and tells him to sit on
the ground so that he has his back to his mother, who
is in the middle of the front rank of the women.
Then two lubras arise, warm their hands at a fire which
has been lighted and then rub them from behind, so that
he does not see them, under the man's arm pits and on
top of his head, saying, " you talk now." This over
they place hair and string girdles round his chest and
on his head. At a later time he is released from the ban
of silence so far as the men are concerned, but before
this is done he must go out into the bush and secure
food, such as a kangaroo or wallaby, which he presents
to his father, his namminjeri and the older men in camp.
After he has done this to the satisfaction of these older
men, the mother's brother {ngungd) says to the namminjeri,
" you make him talk now." Accordingly, one day,
when all the men are in camp, the namminjeri says to
him, " come here, I want to rub you." He warms his
hands at the camp fire, puts them under the Nadiriga s
arm pits, rubs his mouth and head, and ornaments him
with fur string. No woman is allowed to see this final
ceremony, after the performance of which the Nadiriga is
admitted fully to the ranks of the men.
In the NuUakun Tribe, which inhabits country
adjoining that of the Djauan on the west and the
Mungarai on the east, initiation is associated with the
ceremony of circumcision ; subincision is not performed,
in which respect it differs from the Mungarai.
When a boy is thought to be old enough for initiation
his father speaks to his mother's brothers {ijukaitka), by
170 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
whom all arrangements must be made. One day at early
dawn while everyone is in camp a mother's brother's son
{kinda), who has been told what to do by his father, goes
behind the boy, who knows nothing of what is planned,
and puts both hands over his eyes. He says to him,
" you must not walk about a boy any more ; you must
walk about a man." He then takes him away from the
women's camp, where he has hitherto lived, to the mopul
or men's camp. Here he is first greased all over with
kangaroo fat and then decorated with red ochre, forehead
bands of opossum fur and kangaroo teeth, hair belt
round his waist, and fur band round his chest and down
the middle of his back.
A consultation is then held between the boy's father
and his mother's brother, during which it is decided how
long the boy shall be kept out in the bush and what
camp he shall visit under the guardianship of the kinda,
that is, the mother's brother's son. The kinda selected is
always older than the boy who is being initiated, and,
together, they travel round the country visiting different
camps, both in their own tribe and in adjoining ones, and
inviting the strangers to accompany them on their return
journey. This travelling about occupies two or three
months and they always arrange to start back with a new
moon. They gather the visitors together from the
various camps and, days before they reach the home
camp, their coming is signalled by means of great
" smokes."
The local men, meanwhile, have prepared a special
ceremonial camp called kokullal, clearing the ground and
raising a roughly circular bank of sand all round it with
an opening on one side. The lubras go out daily and
collect large quantities of lily roots and seeds, the latter
of which they pound up with stones and make into cakes.
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 171
The nukaitka men, that is the mother's brothers, superin-
tend the getting of a plentiful supply of " sugar-bag" or
honey comb of the wild bees. These two, lilies and
honey, are staple articles of diet amongst the natives and
fortunately are usually procurable in large quantities.
When the party returns, a halt is made some little
distance from the ceremonial ground and, leaving the boy
with the strangers, the kinda goes on ahead to meet the
local men who, together with the lubras, are gathered on
the ceremonial ground at the end facing the opening in
the bank. One of the nukaitka men who has reached the
status of noboila, that is, a really old man, has been
appointed to take charge of the proceedings and to him
the kinda goes, saying, " I have brought him."
A messenger is sent to tell the strangers to come on,
the kinda who went with the boy remaining close by the
noboila man. The group advances towards the entrance
to the ground, the men with the boy in front, the women
behind. Another kinda goes out to the strangers, takes
the boy from them, and runs round the circle with him so
that all the local people can see him. This over, he goes
back with him to the strangers, who are standing some
little distance away, and remains amongst them for a
short time, during which they hand over to him their
spears, boomerangs, ornaments, etc. He gives these to
the boy and then another kinda is sent from the local
group by the noboila man. He kneels down amongst the
strangers and the boy is placed on his shoulders holding
the spears above his head. This giving of spears is
emblematic of the fact that the time has come when the
youth may use the weapons of a man. The strangers,
with the kinda carrying the youth in the lead, approach,
yelling Srr I Srr ! The local men stand up and shout,
Burra, erlumaia, erlumaia, which means " bring him.
172 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
put him down, put him down." The boy is brought to
the spot at which stand the noboila man, the kinda who
had watched over him in the bush, and his father and
mother. He comes down from the shoulders of the
kinda and places the spears on the ground at the feet of
the noboila man. Then he and his kinda guardian take
some pipe clay that has been prepared for the purpose
and paint a mark on the back of each of the strangers
who have meanwhile remained outside the raised circle,
close to the entrance. The visitors then retire a little
distance away and camp.
The kinda takes the boy to his mother, who is seated
in a group comprising her sisters, her mother, and the
latter's sisters, together with the boy's sisters. All these
women cry over him for some time, after which his own
mother gives him a specially large cake of lily seeds that
she has made herself. The boy hands this to his kinda,
who takes it to the strangers, and then everyone eats the
food supply that has been provided. The boy and his
kinda meanwhile sit apart in front of the men and women
within the circle so that they can be seen by everyone.
After everyone has eaten, dancing and corrobborees
begin. The morquoll (father and father's brothers) and
nukaitka (mother's brothers) dance first, striking their legs
and singing : —
Yalina balla gula lagun bill
Ya, ya, ya, ya, ya !
These words have no meaning known to them and
belong to what they call the mumus, that is, the far away
times during which their mythic ancestors lived. This
singing goes on for about an hour, during which time the
boy sits quietly watching.
The strangers with their lubras then come up and the
latter dance outside the circle inside which the men sit.
in INITIATION CEREMONIES 173
This dancing goes on all night, no one going to sleep.
As soon as the morning star is seen the lubras cry out.
The kinda has prepared a long stick with a bunch of
cockatoo feathers at one end, called jappa. He gives it
to the lubras, who first of all dance round and round,
carrying it, and then place it upright near the middle of
the ground and retire from the circle. The kinda tells
the boy to go and stand beside it with his hands behind
his head and, while he stands thus, the visiting lubras
come into the circle and dance round and round him
singing, Ta, ya, ya, ya, ya ! This over they stand to
one side and, when the sun has risen, the morquoll and
nukaitka tell the women to take the boy away. They do
so, shouting, Oh, oh ; wo, wo, the decorated pole
remaining upright in the ground. The visiting lubras
accompany the local ones to a camp a long way off in the
bush. Here a special bough shade or mia-mia has been
prepared and under its shelter the boy is allowed to rest
until sundown on a bed of grass stalks and paper bark,
with which he is completely covered and hidden from
view. At sundown the lubras, who meanwhile have
remained silent, wake him up and take him back to the
ceremonial ground where the men are singing and
painting themselves. Only local men are on the ground
when the lubras return, the visitors have already com-
pleted their decorations and retired out of sight of the
local people into the bush.
When the women bring the youth back, a lubra of the
right class for him to marry holds a piece of paper bark,
in front of his eyes and he is led thus on to the cere-
monial ground, where he is told to lie down by the side
of his guardian kinda, and is completely hidden from view
by sheets of paper bark. The jappa stick with feathers
has been removed. The natives have no idea what
174 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
this signifies. It may possibly be a surviving relic of an
object allied to the sacred poles, called Nurtunjas, that
figure largely in the initiation ceremonies of the Arunta,
though, amongst the latter, the women are never allowed
to see them.
A local man takes two nuUa-nuUas, or fighting clubs,
and strikes them together, singing as he does so —
Ballima, Birrma, Wirrima,
Ralla, goy, goy, goy !
repeating the refrain several times so as to attract the
visitors, who then approach and stand within the opening.
The old men of the local group say to them, " All right,
you go away," and accordingly, for a time, they go to
their camp and rest. At this stage the women, both local
and visitors, are sent right away to a camp in the bush,
and take no further part in the proceedings.
After an hour or so the visiting men come back and
begin to dance corrobborees, all having reference to
totemic animals and plants. The local men sing, and the
boy is told to watch and not speak. This goes on till
daybreak, when for a short time they rest. As soon as
the sun rises, five kindas lie down, one below and four
others above him, at right angles to the length of the
body. The boy is placed across them, two nukaitka men
hold his arms and two his legs. Two kindas pull the fore-
skin up and another cuts it ofF. As soon as ever the
operation is over the boy is lifted from the men and
placed, lying at full length, on the ground. The nukaitka
and kinda say, " You are all right now. Do not go any-
where. Stay at the mopull (men's camp). Do not eat
goanna, snake, or porcupine. When you are a big man
you can eat them. Only eat lilies now."
The visitors return to their own country, and the boy.
Ill INITIATION CEREMONIES 175
under the guardianship of another kinda, goes out into
the bush. The foreskin is handed over to the kinda who
first had charge of the boy and, in his turn, he hands it
on to a nukaitka, who keeps it for some time, showing it
to the boy's father, mother, and mother's brothers, the
latter being his own brothers. Finally, he gives it to the
boy's mother, who buries it by the side of a water hole
and tells the other lubras where this is, because, for two
years — that is two wet seasons — no one save men and
women who stand to the boy in the relationship of maina
(mother, mother's sisters), morquoll (father, father's
brothers), and nukaitka (mother's brothers) may gather
lilies at that spot. After the two wet seasons are passed
the mother burns the grass round the water, and then
anyone may go there.
Out in the bush the boy must not talk to anyone, not
even to his kinda guardian, except by means of gesture
language ; in fact, before he can talk he has to make the
kinda a present of spears, boomerangs, girdles, kangaroo
teeth, red ochre, etc. When the wound is completely
healed the kinda greases the boy, paints him with red
ochre, puts a kangaroo-tooth head ring on him, and,
decorated in this way, takes him first to the mopull, or
men's camp, and then to his mother, who wails loudly, all
the women in the camp joining in.
The young man has now attained the status of Bandari,
but he must still remain in the bush, and may not go any-
where near the lubras. Under the direction of his
guardian he secures a supply of food, consisting of
goanna, opossum, kangaroo, sugar-bag, etc., which he
sends to his nukaitka men. The kinda in charge of him
tells him when to do this, which is a sign that the final
part of the ceremony is about to be performed. The
men all go from the main camp, leaving the women and
176 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA ch. hi
children there, to a special one out in the bush, to which
the kinda brings the new handari man. The latter at first
sits down while the kinda holds both hands over his eyes
and ears.
The men decorate themselves with birds' down (bulluk)
and perform a series of totemic ceremonies, which vary
according to the sub-class to which the initiated youth
belongs. In this tribe the totemic groups are divided
amongst the four sub-classes called respectively Jobal,
Mangaralli, Alakaraninni, and Gindar. If a man, for
example, belong to the sub-class Jobal he is shown,
during this the final stage of his initiation, ceremonies
that are concerned with the totemic groups of that par-
ticular sub-class.
It is during the performance of these that, for the first
time, he is allowed to see the bull-roarer or kunapippi, the
noise made by which is supposed by the lubras to be the
voice of a spirit called Mumanna, who takes the boy away
during the initiation ceremony.
CHAPTER IV
TOTEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS
Division of northern tribes into five groups so far as totemic
matters are concerned. — Kakadu tribe. — The Yalmuru and
Iwaiyu. — Manner of acquiring totemic names. — Examples of
totemic names in different families. — Totemic names not
hereditary. — List of totemic groups. — Sacred objects associated
with the Muraian ceremony. — Emu egg stone. — Showing
the Muraian sticks and stones. — Intichiuma ceremony. — The
ancestor Kulbaran finding the Muraian. — List of Muraian
sticks and stones. — Painting them. — Status name of Leker-
ungen given after having seen the Muraian. — History of the
Emu egg stone and the crocodile stick. — Warrai tribe. —
Totemic groups exogamic. — Waduman tribe. — List of
totemic groups. — Genealogical tables to show descent of
totem in maternal line. — Accessory totems. — Eating of
totemic animal or plant. — Ceremonies to increase totemic
animal or plant. — Headman of totemic group. — Orkbau
ceremony. — Mudburra tribe. — Descent of totem in maternal
line. — Tjutju ceremony to increase the totemic animal or
plant. — WulwuUam tribe. — Melville Island tribe. — Names
of totemic objects and groups. — Intermarrying groups. —
Descent of totem is in maternal line. — Iwaidja tribe. — Local
intermarrying groups. — Descent of totem in maternal line. —
Table showing descent and marriage. — Larakia tribe. —
Descent of totem in paternal line. — Worgait tribe. — Main
and accessory totems. — Descent in paternal line. — Djauan
tribe. — Pairs of sub-classes have totem groups in common. —
Totemic groups exogamic. — Descent in the paternal line. —
Mungarai tribe. — Totemic groups associated with sub-
classes.— List of groups and the sub-classes to which they
belong. — Descent of totem neither in maternal nor paternal
'" N
tyS NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
line. — List showing totemic groups of certain parents and
children. — Yungman tribe. — Similar to Mungarai. — Nullakun
tribe. — Descent in paternal line.
There is considerable variation amongst the diiFerent
tribes inhabiting the Northern Territory in regard to
their totemic systems. In some tribes, such as the
Waduman and Mudburra, the totemic name is transmitted
in the maternal line ; in others, such as the Worgait and
Djauan, in the paternal line.
In some, the totemic groups are divided between the
moieties, in others, such as the Djauan and Mungarai,
they are divided between the classes or sub-classes, so
that the child cannot possibly inherit either its father's or
its mother's totem.
In some, such as the Waduman and Mudburra, there
is no division of the totem groups between the moieties
or classes, the same group occurring on both sides of the
tribe, but the totemic groups are exogamous, and the
totem descends in the female line. In others, moieties
and classes do not exist, and in these there is no descent
of the totem from parent to child, the latter receiving his
totemic name in consequence of an intimation conveyed
by a spirit individual to the parent.
In all tribes, however, there is a very definite totemic
system, which may or may not regulate marriage.
In most tribes the totemic groups are exogamous, but
in some, such as the Kakadu, they are not, though it
is very rare to find a man married to a woman of the
same totemic group as himself. Such a marriage,
however, in the Kakadu and allied tribes would be quite
allowable.
Amongst these more northern tribes we may
distinguish five main groups so far as totemic matters
are concerned : —
IV TOXEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS 179
(i) A group represented by the Larakia, Worgait, and
Wulwullam, in which the totem groups are divided
between the two moieties ; they are strictly exogamic and
descent is counted in the male line.
(2) A well-marked group of tribes including the
Djauan, Mungarai, Warrai, Yungman, Mara, and
NuUakun, in which the totem groups are divided between
the classes or sub-classes so that a child passes into a
totemic group belonging to the same side of the tribe to
which his father belongs, but of necessity different in
name from his father's, because different totemic groups
are attached to different classes or sub-classes.
(3) A well-marked group of tribes, including the
Waduman, Mudburra, Ngainman, and Billianera, in
which the same totemic groups are found on both sides
of the tribe, and in which the descent of the totem is
in the female line. The totemic groups are strictly
exogamous.
(4) Abnormal and modified coastal and island tribes,
such as those on Melville Island and the Iwaidji, in
which there are no moieties or classes, but in which there
are local groups and in which certain restrictions with
regard to marriage exist in connection with the totemic
groups. The descent of the totem is in the female line.
(5) Abnormal and evidently modified coastal tribes,
such as the Kakadu and allied tribes, in which no
moieties or classes are present, and in which the totem
descends in neither the female nor the male line.
In at all events many of the tribes, such as the Kakadu,
Waduman and Mudburra, the men perform ceremonies
that are the equivalent of the Intichiuma in the Arunta,
and have for their object the increase of the totemic
animal or plant.
The Kakadu group of tribes is evidently much modified
N 2
i8o NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
in many ways, and In none more so than in regard
to their totemic system. The question of totems is
closely bound up with their beliefs in regard to the origin
of children. As described in connection with this
subject,^ when an individual dies his spirit part remains
with his bones in the form of what is called a Yalmuru.
This, again, gives rise to a double of itself, called an
Iwaiyu, which the Yalmuru places in some food, such
as a sugar-bag or fish, that the father of the future child
then secures, aided by the Yalmuru in doing so. This
food will be the totem of the future child. The
Iwaiyu j umps out of the food before the man secures the
latter, and rejoins the Yalmuru. Finally, in the form of
a small frog, called Purnumanemo,^ it goes into its
mother. The Yalmuru, at night time, comes to the
father while he is asleep in his camp and tells him
the name of the child and its totem. Originally, in
the far past times, each individual had his totem, or
jereipunga, given to him by the great ancestor of the tribe
named Imberombera, or by men and women sent out by
and acting under her instructions. At each reincarnation
the Yalmuru decides upon the Jereipunga, which may or
may not be the same as that to which it belonged during
a previous reincarnation. It has no reference of necessity
to that of either the father or mother, nor is it
concerned in any way with the marriage system. In the
Kakadu tribe, indeed, there is no idea of heredity of the
totemic name in either the male or female line. A few
examples of actual families living in the Kakadu camp,
while I was staying at Oenpelli, their central camping
ground, will serve to illustrate this matter.
' See Chapter vii.
2 A very small species of Hyla that lives under bark and sheaths of
leaves.
IV TOTEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS i8i
(i) A man named Ungara whose totem is Kimberikara
(Barramundi, a fish) ; his wife, Obaiya, is Mormo, sugar-
bag. They have two children, Monmuna a boy, who
is Kunbaritja, a small fish, and Murawillawill, whose
totem is Eribinjori, crocodile. The totem of Ungara's
father was Kunbaritja, and that of his mother Mormo.
(2) A man named Mukalakki whose totem is Mormo.
That of one wife, named Mitjunga, is Kunaitja, mullet;
that of another, named Numerialmak, is Kulekuli. His
father, named Monmuna, was Kimberikara, his mother,
named Kumbainba, was Eribinjori, a crocodile ; his brother
was Murno, opossum ; the mother of Monmuna was
Kintjilbara, a snake, his wife's mother was Kulekuli, cat-
fish.
(3) A man named Miniamaka, whose totem is Jameru,
a small fish ; his wife, named Murrapurnminni, is Kulekuli,
cat-fish; a son, called Naminjeya, is Kimberikara. His
father and mother were both Kimberikara.
(4) A man named Mitjeralak whose totem is Kaler-
ungeni, flying fox ; his father, named Mitiunga is Jameru,
a small fish ; his father's father was Eribinjori, crocodile.
(5) A man named Kopereik whose totem is Kunaitja,
mullet ; his father is Kimberikara.
(6) A man named Oogutjali whose totem is Kun-
baritja, a fish ; his wife, named Belgramma, is Narenma,
a snake ; a son, called Tjurabego, is Eribinjori, crocodile ;
a daughter, called Mikgeirne, is Kulekuli, cat-fish ; a
daughter, named Mirowargo, is Kalerungeni, flying fox ;
a daughter, named Minagi, is also Kalerungeni, and
another, called Mukarula, is Mormo, sugar-bag.
It will be seen from these examples that there is a
complete and most perplexing mixing up of the totems,
so far as anything like descent of the totemic name is
concerned. They have nothing whatever to do with
r82 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
regulating marriage, nor are they hereditary in either the
paternal or maternal line. Further still, there is no
attempt made for each individual to retain the totem of
the old ancestor of whom he is supposed to be the re-
incarnation. In the case of the above-named individuals
there is actually only one — the woman Mitiunga — in
which the living person has the same totem as the old
ancestor of whom he, or she, is supposed to be the re-
incarnation. In regard to their totemic system, the group
of tribes that have the Imberombera legend, or its
equivalent, appear to stand by themselves. In some
respects, as, for example, in regard to the idea of definite
local centres, peopled by spirit individuals, they call to
mind the Arunta, but, on the other hand, they diiFer from
them and from all others in the remarkable way in which
each centre is the home of a definite group of individuals,
the actual names of all of whom are known and handed
down from generation to generation.
The following is a list of the totemic groups in the
Kakadu tribe. It is quite possible that there may be
more than these, but they will, at all events, serve to
indicate their nature in this tribe which may be taken as
representative of the northern coastal tribes generally.
The latter inhabit the well-watered country, where food is
abundant, that lies between the Ranges and the sea. It
will be noticed that, in every case, the totemic animal or
plant is edible : —
Alberjiji, Whistling Duck. Eyenbumbo, Fish-hawk.
Banjil, a Fish. Gunumaramila, a Yam.
BaraHl, a Fish. Jailba, Sugar-bag.
Biaka, a Wallaby. Jeluabi, a non-venomous Snake.
Boinmun, a Rat. Jeruober, Old-man Kangaroo.
Brutpenniweir, Jabiru. Jimeribunna, Native Coin-
Eribinjori, Crocodile. panion.
Erlaungerla Echidna. Jimmidauappa, a small Fish.
IV
TOXEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS
183
Kaleiyu, White Cockatoo.
Kalerungeni, Flying Fox.
Karakera, Spur-winged Plover.
Kimberikara, Barramunda (a
Fish).
Kintjilbara, a Carpet Snake.
Kopereipi, Emu.
Korunokadju, Wild Dog.
Kudbauu, a Fish.
Kudjalinga, Turtle.
Kulabaga, Pied Egret.
Kulawura, Jungle Fowl.
Kulekuli, Cat-fish.
Kulijidbo, a Yam.
Kuljoanjo, a non-venomous
Snake.
Kulori, a Yam.
Kunaitja, Mullet.
Kunbaritja, a small Fish.
Kunjeama, a " Plum."
Kupulapuli, White Crane.
Kurnembo, Goose.
Mangortji, wedge-tailed Eagle.
Marabornji, brush-tailed Wal-
laby.
Mimiorko, Bandicoot.
Mimweluda-uda, Blue Mt. Para-
keet.
Minjiweya, a Yam.
Miriwidjonga, Quail.
Mitjiborla, a Wallaby.
Moain, a small Fish.
Mormo, Sugar-bag.
Mornum, a Yam.
Mudburraburra, native Cat.
Mudebenbo, native Turkey.
Mungalama, Lily Seed.
Munmarwer, a Snake.
Murarowa, a Cypress Bulb
Monmorlpa, a Rat.
Murkailpu, Sugar-bag.
Murlappa, a Yam.
Mumo, Opossum, M.
Murora, a small Wallaby.
Nabapungeni, Black Kangaroo.
Narenma, a Snake.
Ngabadaua, a Snake.
Ngulauer, a Fish.
Nguloa, a Fish.
Numberanerji, a Snake.
Nuppadaitba, a Fish.
Padauitja, a Sugar-bag.
Parijiliji, Lily root.
Pitjordu, Lizard.
Puneri, a Lizard.
Putamunga, Water Lizard.
Tiradjuno, a Water Snake.
Tjailba, Sugar-bag.
Tjameru, a small Fish.
Tjikali, Wood Grub.
Tjilaka, Jew Fish.
Tjimidaba, a long-nosed Fish.
Tjinangu, a Sugar-bag.
Tjunara, a Yam.
Tjungoan, a Snake.
Ulloa, a Fish.
Unari, a Lizard.
Worki, a Lily Root.
Wuridjonga, Lily Seed and
Roots.
Yidaburabara, a Snake.
Yinganga, small Crocodile.
Whilst investigating the initiation ceremonies in this
tribe with Mr. Cahill, I came across a very interesting
part of the final initiation ceremony that is called Muraian.^
This consisted in showing the older men certain very
sacred sticks and stones intimately associated with the
' See Chapter iii.
yi84 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
totems.^ They are as intensely kumali as are the churinga
of the Arunta, and the natives when showing them to us
and performing the ceremony took most elaborate pre-
cautions to prevent any women from having the slightest
chance to see what was being done. Each stone or stick
was wrapped up in sheet after sheet of paper bark.
The first that we saw, and we came upon it by mere
accident, was a small stone called Iwaija Kopereipi, or
Emu egg. It measured about four inches in length by
two and a half in diameter. It was sufficiently like an
egg in shape as to suggest the name. (Plate VII, Fig. 7).
The general surface had been red-ochred, but a yellow
band, not seen in the figure, ran round it and two red
bands, each with a central row of white dots, ran half-way
up each side. The remainder of the surface was covered
with close set lines of white, crossing one another
approximately at right angles. Its history was as follows :
Long ago, for the egg has now passed through the hands
of nine old men, one after the other, an old ancestor
named Nauundel, was out in the bush, searching for
sugar-bag, when he heard a curious hissing noise. He
looked round and, in the distance, saw an egg and a snake
coiled round it. It was the hissing of the snake that
Nauundel heard. The snake was one now called Kintjil-
bara. Nauundel came close up, got a stick and began to
poke the snake which, by and by, went away. He did not
attempt to injure it. The egg stood up on end and
Nauundel lifted it from the ground and tied it up in
paper bark. Then he cut some grass, laid it in his bag
and put the egg, wrapped in paper bark, upon it, saying,
Geimhi kala muraian; ngainma kala^ kulapunna makiappa^
which means, " This is a Muraian stone all right ; it is
mine all right, I put it in my bag." All night he heard
' For a description of these, see Chapter v.
IV TOTEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS 185
the egg saying Prr, Prr, as it moved about restlessly
inside the paper bark. It moved about so much that it
tossed all the grass out of the bag and, as it would not
keep still, and Nauundel was afraid of losing it, he placed
the mouth of the bag near the fire and stupefied the
egg with the heat and smoke.
Only Murabulba, that is, very old men, are allowed to
see the egg. When its present possessor, a man named
Narlinda, wishes to show it during the progress of the
Muraian ceremonies, he says to the younger men,
morpiu, yapu, ge, which means, literally translated, " food,
go, all of you" — in other words, all of you go out into the
bush and collect food. The young men know what he
means, or, rather, that there is something that they must
not see, and away they go. He says nothing to the other
men but, as Narlinda told us, they know what he means
and nudge one another. When the young men are far
away, Narlinda sits down by himself, a little distance away
from the old men, unwraps the paper bark, and calls the
others up. They come with their heads bent down.
Narlinda tells them to come near and not be frightened
because it will not " growl," that is, it will not be angry
with them or do them any harm.
When they are going to hold these special ceremonies
there may be only one or two, or several, of these sacred
objects brought on to the ceremonial ground, which is
most carefully placed and, if necessary, as in the one we
saw, closed in with bushes. At one of these ceremonies,
after the men have brought in their sacred sticks and
stones, each one being in the charge of some special
individual, they are placed on the ground to one side of
the enclosed space. If there are any men present who
have not seen them before, but are judged to be old enough
to do so, an old man, such as Narlinda, says, Koregora
i86 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Muraian, kaiano jeri, balera, yadimma najei kubari kudanuji
korto, that is, "Look, these are Muraian, do not
quarrel or, by and by, all your fingers will swell up."
The performance itself is a very curious one and the men
become very excited. The illustrations (Plates III, IV, V,
VI and VII) will give some idea of what the objects them-
selves are like. When we saw it enacted, two of the men
stood to one side, one clanging sticks, the other clapping
his hands. First of all a stick representing a fish, called
Jimidauappa, was brought in by a man to whom it
belonged. Followed by the other men, he came from
behind some bushes, creeping along with the sticks in his
hands. On the ground he stood in the middle, all the
other men circling round and round him, while he pointed
the stick at each of them. At first they sang the words :
Ka kai ka ka le
Ka luUa le,
and, after dancing for some time, they all extended their
arms towards the stick, time after time, drawing them
back rapidly and yelling, Brau, brau, which means,
Give, give. They were supposed to be demanding a
plentiful supply of the fish Jimidauappa.
Finally, the man fixed the stick upright in the ground
and they all danced round and round, pretending to rub
their hands up and down it, after which they rubbed
themselves. Then they retired behind the bushes.
After a short time they came on again, this time bringing
several sticks (Figures 47, 48) and, in addition, rushing
round the other men who stood to one side. One after
another the sticks were fixed upright in the ground until
there were some twenty or more sticks and stones there.
At one stage, when only a few had been brought in, a
special one — the Muraian itself — was produced. The
man carrying it tumbled down on the ground and was
1-ig. 47. Scene from the Muraian Ceremony. Kakadu Tribe.
Fig. 4g. Scene from the Muraian Ceremony.
Kakadu Tribe.
\Face page 1S6.
IV TOXEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS 187
followed by the others and they all wriggled and rolled
about in the most grotesque fashion (Fig. 49). The
Muraian was in the form of a slightly curved slab of
wood, with the representation of a head at one end
(Plate IV., Fig. i), a very short tail at the other, and two
little projections at each side, representing limbs. It
was supposed to be a turtle, to which it certainly showed
a considerable resemblance, quite enough to be re-
cognisable, and the rolling about of the men was
supposed to be an imitation of the movements of the
animal itself.
When all the sticks and stones, many of them
elaborately decorated, some representing yams with
strings of gaily coloured cockatoo feathers wound round
them, had been brought on to the ground, they were
arranged in a circle and the men danced round and round
them with their arms alternately extended and drawn
back, while they yelled, Brau brau, that is, " Give, give."
It was, as the natives told us, a request, in fact, a demand,
to the sacred representatives of the various animals and
plants to provide them with these same animals and
plants that form their food supply.
Amongst the native tribes of Central Australia I have
seen what Mr. Gillen and myself have called the
Intichiuma ceremonies. These are performed by the
men of different totemic groups, with the idea of
increasing the number of the animals and plants with
which the ceremonies are concerned, but, in the Central
tribes, it is only the men of any one totemic group who
perform the ceremony associated with it, and there is no
such thing as any definite request or demand. The
mere performance of the ceremony is supposed to bring
about the desired result. In the Kakadu tribe, and the
same is true of other tribes associated with it, the
i88 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
members of different totemic groups join together and,
though it is difficult to express, accurately, the difference
between the two forms of ceremonies, both of which
have the same object in view, that is, the increase of the
food supply, it may be said that the Central tribes do not
make anything in the way of a personal appeal to any
object which is supposed to represent an animal or
plant, whereas, amongst the Kakadu, this is most evident.
The men of the latter tribe very clearly showed, by their
insistent and fierce cry of Brau, brau, " Give, give,"
that they were directly asking, even demanding, the
representatives of the various animals and plants to
provide them with food. Amongst the many ceremonies
of this kind that 1 have seen performed by Australian
aboriginals, none have impressed me more than these, as
indicating that savage man believes that he is able to
control his food supply by means of magic. The way
in which the men danced round the ceremonial objects, or
rolled over on the ground holding them in their hands,
was most suggestive of the idea that, by doing so, they
brought about some close connection between themselves
and the totemic animals or plants represented by the
sacred sticks and stones. All that the men could tell us
was that their old ancestors had always performed these
ceremonies and that, after they had done so, the animals
and plants had always multiplied.
Altogether we saw about seventy of these sacred
stones and sticks which, above all things possessed by the
Kakadu and surrounding tribes, are pre-eminently
Kumali or sacred. They brought just a few at a time
to show us, taking the most elaborate precautions lest
any woman or child, or even any young man, was in
sight. Before they brought them in, they halted under
the shelter of bushes and reconnoitred the place to
IV TOXEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS i8g
make quite sure that they were safe and that no women
were within sight. When a man saw us he would put a
finger up to his nose, the sign that they had something
Kumali. Then, when they were satisfied that everything
was secure, they brought them in, wrapped up in fold after
fold of paper bark. Whilst showing them to us they
only spoke in whispers and, so real was it to them, that
we, without thinking about it, felt compelled to do
the same.
They told us that the first of these Muraian objects
was found, very long ago, by an old ancestor called
Kulbaran. He saw something strange in the form of
a turtle moving about in the water, caught it and
discovered that it was Muraian, or rather the turtle told
him so. The turtle then described the ceremonies and
taught Kulbaran how to perform them and how to
make the sacred sticks and stones. He told Kulbaran
that they were all kumali widjeru, that is very sacred or
kumali. He also told him that the old men might eat the
Muraian animals but that the young men must not do so.
Kulbaran, when first he saw the Muraian, said,
Ngeinyimma ameina ? which means, "What is your name .''"
or " Who are you .'' " The Muraian replied, Ngainma
Muraian, " I am Muraian " ; Ngainma jerapo muhilabilla
halera, " I dance corrobboree later on," and then he danced,
lifting up his legs and arms and singing, Tai, Tai, as he
did so. The old man Kulbaran said, onje mubilabilla
yama, " which way another dance," or, " Is there any other
dance } " and Muraian showed him some more. Then he
said that all the dances that he showed Kulbaran were
kumali ; Jimmidauappa (a fish) kumali ; Banjil (a fish)
kumali ; Kumembo iwaiji (Goose egg) kumali, and so on,
through the whole series.
The stones that we saw were representatives of the
igo NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
following : — Gunumaramilla (a yam) ; Kopereipi iwaiji
(Emii egg) ; Kulijidbo (a yam) ; Kulori (a yam) ;
Kudjalinga (turtle) ; Kudjalinga iwaiji (turkey egg) ;
Idabarabara ; Jimeribunna (native companion) ; Purijiliji
and Worki (lily root) ; Kopereipi (Emu) ; Eribinjori
(large crocodile) ; Eribinjori iwaiji (crocodile eggs) ;
Alberjiji (whistling duck) ; Mundebendo (Brush turkey) ;
Kunjeama (plum) ; Kulekuli (Cat fish).
The sticks were representatives of the following :
Kimberikara (Barramunda) ; Munburungun ; Kulekuli
(Cat fish) ; Tjunara (a yam) ; Jimidauappa (small fish) ;
Eribinjori (large crocodile) ; Numereji (a snake) ;
Murlappa (a yam) ; Brutpenniweir (Jabiru) ; Jungoan
(snake) ; Kudjalinga (turtle) ; Mundebenbo (Brush
turkey) ; Murlappa (a yam) ; Minjiweya (a yam) ;
Banjil (a fish) ; Bararil (a small fish) ; Kimberikara
(Barramundi).
In the case of both the stones and sticks there were, in
many of them, several representatives of the same
totemic animals and plants and also distinct stones and
sticks representing males, females, and eggs of the same
animals.
The stones of course can be passed on from one
generation to another, but the sticks are naturally liable to
decay and are renewed from time to time. In a climate
such as that of the Alligator River district, it is difficult
to preserve, intact, sticks that are continually being
greased and painted and are hidden away, wrapped up in
paper bark, in damp places, such as those in which the
natives secrete them. They are very liable to be attacked
by insects, such as boring beetles, and they must be
periodically replaced by new ones. When they are used
during any ceremony, such as the one we witnessed, the
design is more or less rubbed off and, on each occasion,
IV TOXEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS 191
it is repainted. The same design is always used and
must not apparently be varied. We several times saw
serious consultations taking place amongst the old men as
to the drawing of the design on a stick or stone. The
white lines are put on with a very crude but effective
paint brush, consisting simply of a little twig, about six
inches long, one end of which is frayed with the teeth
and then flattened out to form a small, thin disc about
the size of a sixpenny bit. This is dipped into the white
pipe clay which has been moistened with water so as to
form a thin paste. It is held between the thumb and
fingers, the handle of the brush lying in the palm of the
hand in just the same way in which a white artist often
holds a brush.
In addition to its function as an Intichiuma ceremony,
the Muraian serves, just as the Engwura does amongst
the Arunta tribe, as 2, finale to the initiation ceremonies,
during which older men are shown objects that, in many
cases, they have never and, in some, but rarely seen.
The same is true of the Engwura, when a series of
ceremonies, with men wearing decorations and using
ceremonial objects, such as Nurtungas and Waningas, are
shown to the relatively younger men. The ceremony is
supposed, in both cases, to make the men ' good,' using
the word in its native sense ; they must not growl or
quarrel. After a man has passed through, or, rather,
witnessed, the Muraian, he receives the special status
name of Lekerungen, just as, in the Arunta, the men who
have seen the Engwura are called Urliara. It also serves
to enhance the importance of the old men and is of
service to them in regard to their food supply because,
whilst they can eat any of the animals or plants associated
with the ceremony, no matter by whom they are captured,
the younger men, even when they have seen the Muraian,
192 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
must not touch anything secured by the old men and
must also give the latter a share of any of the Muraian
foods that they secure. Also, for some reason that the
natives do not knov?, save that their arms and hands
would become very sore if the rule were not carefully
followed, the men who have seen the Muraian must, on
no account, allow a dog to eat any remnant of their food.
I have previously referred to the handing down of the
sacred stones and sticks. Two examples will serve to
show how carefully their history is preserved. In the
case of the Emu-egg stone, tradition reports that it has
been, in succession, in the possession of the following
men : (i) Nauundel, who originally found it, (2) Nort-
manitj, (3) Pwenguno, (4) Butja, (5) Nanilmango,
(6) Nuburungillimaka, (7) Kingunaiya, (8) Yerimain,
and (9) Narlinda, who now owns it.
In the case of an Eribinjori, or crocodile, stick, which
the natives regarded as one of the most important, the
history is still longer. It was owned in the first place by
Kulbaran, who, when he became very old and unable to
perform the ceremonies, gave it to (2) Midjail, his
younger brother, after whom the following successively
received it : (3) Numinbal, (4) Ungoreddi, (5) Alumba-
werner, (6) Amunjureri, (7) Bulluoko, (8) Abring-
illimaka, (9) Ungowilla, (10) Nauukmawitch, (11)
Pwenguno, (12) Pordjo, (13) Nauulmango, (14) King-
manaia, (i^) Kerauappa, (16) Naumarak, (17) Mantjiritj,
(18) Yiraman, who died recently, and from whom it
descended to (19) Miniamaka, its present holder.
In the Warrai tribe the name for totem is mumulbuk.
They are divided amongst the classes. One group is
associated with the two classes Ajumbitj-Appularan,
the other with Appungerti-Auinmitj. Thus Ajumbitj-
Appularan have the following, Bulta (eagle-hawk),
IV TOXEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS 193
Kinnimill (a yam), Gunbelli (small crocodile), Norquipito
(red ochre), Bulp (pipe clay), Doito (stone axe), Deiurnu
(kangaroo), Wairdmo (fire stick), Jin (leech), Gunnigunni
(flying fox). Appungerti-Auinmitj have Murdukul (a
fish), Yilli (swamp lily), Tji (a snake). Wit (water),
Bera (large crocodile), Kuala (turtle), Niri (dog), Gani
(night time), Wordjal (black plover), Ngurin (emu).
It will be noticed that there are, relatively, a large
number of totemic groups associated with objects other
than animals and plants, a feature in which this and
other of the central tribes differ from the coastal tribes
amongst whom, with very rare exceptions, the totemic
names are those of edible objects.
Inasmuch as the totemic groups are divided between
the two moieties of the tribe and a man must marry
a woman who does not belong to his own moiety, it
follows that the totemic groups are exogamic. The child
belongs to a totemic group associated with Its father's side
of the tribe but not to his father's own totemic group.
My informant told me that a leech man marries a fish
woman and that their children are yam. A fish man
marries a flying-fox woman and their children are leech.
A flying-fox man marries a fish woman and their children
are crocodile. A crocodile man marries a snake woman
and their children are flying-fox. Unfortunately, I was
unable to gain as complete and minute information
as I should have liked. The Warrai tribe is now
decadent, having been ruined by coming into contact
with the mining fields, and it is always unsafe to rely
implicitly upon information in regard to matters con-
cerned with the organisation of a tribe derived from
natives who are thus, more or less, demoralised. Dr.
Howitt drew attention to the manner in which tribes
had been obliged to modify their old customs in regard
o
194 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
especially to marriage, in consequence of the decimation
of their numbers. My informant, called Plainmur by the
natives and " Doctor " by the white men, in reference to
his former profession, was, however, an old man who was
well acquainted with the ancient customs of his tribe.
I also had the assistance of a peculiarly intelligent " boy "
who spoke English well, so that, I think, the information,
so far as it goes, is correct. When their old customs
were in force the old man said that the Warrai people
never killed their own totemic animal and that if he were
to see anyone else killing it he would he angry and would
ask him. Why have you killed my mumulbuk ?
In the Waduman tribe the word for totem is Gwaiyan,
though some natives pronounce it as if it were spelt
Quoiyin or Quoiyan. The following is a list of totemic
groups in this tribe. Mudbi (Barramunda fish) ; Ganbin
(flying-fox) ; Kumerinji (emu) ; Inumbergo (male kan-
garoo) ; Undallo (female kangaroo) ; Wallanja (goanna) ;
Tjurll (turtle) ; Korondulmi (rainbow) ; Kunadjerri
(white snake) ; Kului (red-bellied water snake) ; Tjala or
Kunajeraru (cat-fish) ; Pingan (a bony fish) ; Tuaiin (a
long-nosed fish) ; Kandaua (moon) ; Butbutbau or
Kirriwuk (a bird, the coucal) ; Wallano (a yam) ; Miakka
(a yam) ; Kulbijinman (a large venomous snake) ; Miyun
(wild dog) ; Biauiak (a small bird) ; Wiyan (water) ;
Bulliyan (eagle hawk) ; Mabilli (small wallaby) ; Kad-
manning (a small hawk) ; Koallimilla (small turtle) ;
lUaluban (carpet snake) ; Errimembo (a venomous
snake) ; Ledi (grasshopper) ; five kinds of sugar bag
called respectively Quoiyin, from the top of a tree (the
equivalent of Mormo in the Kakadu) ; Gnedbo (a small
bag also from high up) ; Luerga (from the base of ant
hills) ; Eramalgo or Eramergo (from dead limbs) ;
Dielba or Kulmidjin (from the tops of trees).
IV
TOXEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS
195
In this tribe, as also in the Ngainman, Mudburra, and
Billianera tribes/ the descent of the class name is in the
father's line, that of the totem in the mother's, with the
result that the totemic groups are distributed amongst the
classes, the same totem group occurring on both sides
of the tribe. A man must not marry a woman of his
own totem. The following examples of individuals in
our camp will serve to illustrate the matter. IVI. stands
for male and f. for female.
(I)
Urella, m.
Kulbijinmam totem
X
Imbanai, f.
Gambin totem
.1
Inmirra, ra.
Gambin totem
X
Inpalieri, f.
Kulbijinman totem
Urella, m.
Kulbijinman totem
Urella, m.
Kulbijinman totem
X
Imbanai, f.
Wild dog totem
I
Imburella, m.
Kulbijinman totem
Inmirra, m.
Wild dog totem
Inganmirra, f.
Wild dog totem
(2)
Yunguri, m.
Eramalgo totem
X
Tjabidji, f.
Quoiyin totem
I.
Wanai, m.
Quoiyin totem
X
Imburella, f.
Wallaroo totem
I
Yunguri, m.
Wallaroo totem
This is often pronounced as if it were spelt Bulinara.
O 2
196 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
(3)
Yunguri, m.
Eramalgo totem
x
Tjabidji, f.
Gnedbo totem
1
1
Uanai, m.
Gnedbo totem
1
Uanai, f.
Gnedbo totem
(4)
Yunguri, m.
Tjala totem
X
Tjabidji, f.
Eramalgo totem
1
Uanai, m.
Eramalgo
totem
Uanai, m.
Eramalgo
totem
1
Imbanai, f.
Eramalgo
totem
1 1
Uanai, m. Imbanai, f.
Eramalgo Eramalgo
totem totem
Imburella, f.
cat-fish totem
1
Yunguri, m.
cat-fish totem
(5)
Inmirra, m.
Gambin totem.
X
Impalieri, f.
Majolo totem
1
Imburella, f.
Majolo totem
(6)
Urella, m.
Wallaroo totem
X
Imbanai, f.
Quoiyin totem
Inmirra, f.
Quoiyin totem
In addition to the main totem each individual has one
or more, usually two, accessory totems. The main one is
that associated with the totemic group into which he is
born. The others are given to him when he is initiated.
He is first of all, during the initiation ceremonies, told
IV TOTEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS 197
his main totem, which is that of his mother, and, at a
later period, the accessory totems. If you ask a Waduman
native what is his Gwaiyan he will teU you his main one.
He does not usually without further questioning mention
the accessory ones, the significance of which I could not
find out. As an example of these we may take the oldest
Uanai man in Table 4. His name was Iblongwa and his
main totem was Eramalgo, a sugar bag ; his accessory
ones are Kandauak (moon) and Tjuril (turtle). His
father's main totem was Tjala (cat-fish), with accessory
ones Gnedbo and Luerga, two kinds of sugar bagi His
mother's main totem was Eramalgo, with accessory ones
Kandauak and Tjuril, which happen to be identical with
his, though this is not a matter of necessity. As he told
us, when he entered his mother, he was Eramalgo ; the
other two were given to him later when he was initiated.
The different way in which a native regards his main and
his accessory totems may be seen from the fact that
Iblongwa will not cut Eramalgo out of a tree himself, but
will eat it if it be given to him by another man. On the
other hand, he will kill and eat Tjuril freely. In the
same way, a Quoiyin man will not cut Quoiyin out of a
tree himself, but will eat it if it be given to him. The
Urella man of the Kulbijinman totem in the first table,
whose name was Waljakula, told us that he would not
himself kill the snake Kulbijinman, but would eat it if it
had been killed by another man and given to him. On
the other hand, he has Biauiak (a small bird) as an
accessory totem, and this he kills and eats freely.
The different totemic groups perform ceremonies for
the increase of the totemic animal or plant. The name of
these ceremonies is Tjutju, which is quite distinct from
the name Pudaueru, applied to the sacred totemic
ceremonies, or from Warangin, the name of the ordinary
igS NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
corrobboree. The Tjutju ceremonies are the equivalents
of the Intichiuma in the Arunta tribe.
The head man of each totemic group is called Tjungunni.
If he dies the next eldest brother succeeds to the post, and
so on through the brothers, including amongst these the
father's brothers' sons. If there are none of these alive
then the eldest son succeeds. That is, for example, if
there be three brothers and the eldest dies, the office of
Tjungunni does not descend to his son, but to the elder
of the two survivors. If both of them die then it reverts
to the eldest son of the first named, even if, in years, he
be younger than a son of the second brother. Being the
son of an elder brother, he is the " elder brother " of all
the three brothers' sons, no matter what his actual age
may be.
When performing the ceremony of Tjutju the men of
the group paint and dance, the others watching them.
After the ceremony of any particular totemic group has
been performed the men of all other groups go out and
gather some of the animal or plant. If, for example, it
be Eramalgo, the latter, after being brought into camp,
is taken to the Eramalgo Tjungunni, the men saying,
Me Eramalgo, " here is Eramalgo." He replies. Ma angui,
" give it, I eat." It is handed over to him and he puts it
in a pitchi, mixes it with water, eats a little himself, and
hands it over to the other men, saying, Nun burri, " I have
finished." After this they may all eat It. So, in the same
way, a flying-fox man will eat a little of the animal, and
hands the rest over to the other men who do not belong
to the totemic group.
If a man of any totemic group dies, the animal or plant
is tabu to all members of that totemic group until after
the performance of a small ceremony called Orkbau. The
brother of the dead person brings the totemic animal or
IV TOXEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS 199
plant into camp. During the ceremony the members of
the totemic group are painted with red ochre. A fire is
made and the Tjungunni man passes the body of the
animal or the plant, if, for example, it be a yam, through
the smoke arising from the fire, after which it may be
eaten. All members of the totemic group must put their
heads into the smoke of the fire in which the animal is
cooked.
In the Mudburra tribe, whose country adjoins that of
the Waduman, the word for totem is Ngalu, and the head
man of each group is called IVialugurni. The descent of
the totem, as in the Waduman tribe, is counted in the
female line. The following table of one family in camp
will illustrate this : —
Tjanama, m.
Flying-fox totem
X
Nanula, f.
Yatnaga totem
I I I
Tjunguri, m. Tjunguri, m. Tjunguri, m.
Yamaga totem Yamaga totem Yamaga totem
X
Nambijina, f.
Flying-fox totem
I
Nana, f.
Flying-fox totem
The Mudburra natives also perform the Tjutju
ceremonies to increase the totemic animal or plant. After
securing the latter the men who do not belong to the
totemic group bring it up to the head man and hand it to
him, the old man saying. Ma, punungalu, "give it, I eat."
He takes a little and then hands it back, saying, Aidonok
berri, " 1 have finished."
The Pine Creek or Wulwullam tribe is now decadent,
having for many years, like the Warrai tribe, been in
contact with the mining population. One of its oldest
200 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
men, who could go back to the early days, told me that
the totemic groups were divided between the moieties,
and that the totem descended in the father's line. A
Kangaroo man married a Barramunda woman, and their
children were Kangaroo ; a Sugar-bag man married a
Rain woman, and their children were Sugar-bag.
Amongst the Melville Islanders the totemic system is
somewhat different from that of any tribes on the main-
land. The word for totem is Pukui. If you say to a
man, Inta ananunga pukui, he will reply, Ingaga, which
means white cockatoo, Imingabi, crocodile, or whatever
may be the name of his totem. On the other hand, there
is a special name applied to the members of the various
totemic groups which is quite distinct from that of the
totemic animal or plant. These curious double names are
as follows : —
(l)
Crocodile
Irrungabi.
Crocodile man
Urdungui.
(l)
Mullet
Takaringa.
Mullet man
Arriwidiwi.
('2\
Turtle
Kirkulani.
Turtle man
Andjului
(2)
Rain
Pakateringa.
Rain man
Andjului.
(3)
Wild dog
Teiaminni.
Wild dog man
Namungarau.
(3)
Wood
Timareringa.
Wood man
Ukaringui.
White cockatoo ...
Ingaga.
White cockatoo man
Jabijabui.
Sea bird
Witjerevi.
Sea bird man
Mitjiwinilla.
Pandanus
Mierti.
Pandanus man
Yirikiwi.
Blood wood tree ... .
Umalaka.
Blood wood tree man
Wanningetti.
Amongst these totemic groups there are three pairs,
indicated by the numbers (.1), (2), and (3). These are
regarded respectively as being what is called amandinni,
that is, mates. Crocodile and mullet are mates ; turde
and rain ; wild dog and wood. The members of groups
IV TOXEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS 201
that are amandinni are supposed to belong to the same
" skin," or pukui, and may not intermarry. Any man
can marry any woman, provided she does not belong
to his pukui.
Alligator and mullet marry cockatoo, blood wood,
sea bird, turtle, wild dog, wood, Pandanus, rain.
Wild dog and wood marry crocodile, cockatoo, blood
wood, sea bird, turtle, mullet, Pandanus, rain.
Turtle and rain marry crocodile, cockatoo, blood wood,
sea bird, wild dog, wood, mullet, Pandanus.
Cockatoo, blood wood, sea bird, and Pandanus have no
amandinni and so may marry anyone save a member of
their own totemic group.
The descent of the totem is strictly in the mother's
line.
There is something very abnormal about the Iwaidja
tribe at Port Essington, which is evidently closely allied,
in some respects, to the Melville Islanders. As in the
latter there are local groups. My information was gained,
with the assistance of Mr. R. J. Cooper, from Port
Essington natives who knew their own and the Melville
Island systems. There are three divisions in the tribe,
with totemic groups attached to each. These three
divisions again refer to local groups, as do those on
Melville Island and also those amongst the Kakadu tribe,
to which, in other points, the Iwaidja natives are closely
allied. Their names and the totemic groups associated
with them are as follows : —
Group i.—
Munbulkitj.
Barramunda
Mangauuli.
Barramunda men ... .
.. Munbulkitj.
Goanna (lizard) ... .
. . Wallwarra.
Goanna man ...
. . Maiyak.
Crocodile
.. Meirdneiai.
Crocodile man ... .
.. Munbulkitj.
Mullet
.. Ngurilliak.
Mullet man
.. Maiyak.
202 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Group 2. — ManjerojelU.
Wild dog Lang.
Wild dog man AUaquallurut.
Wood Allmara.
Woodman Manjerojelli.
Group 3. — Manjerowuli.
Jungle fowl Urgurgi.
Jungle fowl man Manjerowuli.
Turtle Manbirri.
Turtle man Manjerowuli.
Rain Wailmat.
Rain man Manjerowuli.
Blood wood tree Wubuin.
Blood wood tree man Imma-wubuin.
Shark Wanba.
Shark man Manjerowuli.
Sea bird Odjurn.
Sea bird man AUakwulwurjuring.
Cockatoo Allallak.
Cockatoo man Manjerimaringait.
It will be seen that, as in the Melville Island system,
the totemic animal or plant has one name, the member of
the group another. The Iwaidja word for totem is
Wailar.
Members of the Munbullcitj and Manjerojelli groups
marry those of Manjerowuli, and vice versd. It will be
noticed that in each case individuals belonging to certain
totemic groups carry as their totemic name, if it can
be called so, that of one of the local tribal divisions,
Munbullcitj, Manjerojelli, or Manjerowuli. For example,
Barramunda men are called Munbullcitj, wood men
are called Manjerojelli, and turtle men are called
Manjerowuli. The natives were quite clear on this
point.
The descent of the totem is in the female line. One
of our informants was a cockatoo man, his mother was
cockatoo and his father crocodile. His mother's brother
was also cockatoo, and is married to a crocodile woman.
They have a daughter who is crocodile and has been
IV
TOTEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS
203
promised as wife, by her father, to the first-named
cockatoo man. In this case the mother of the man and
her brother have the same father but not the same
mother. Another of our informants was a cockatoo man,
his mother was cockatoo and his father a wood man.
The descent and marriage may be indicated as in the
following table : —
Munbulkitj, m.
Crocodile totem
X
Manjerowuli, f.
Cockatoo totem
I
Manjerowuli, m.
Cockatoo totem
X
Munbulkitj, f.
Crocodile totem
Munbulkitj, f. —
Crocodile totem
Manjerowuli, f.
Cockatoo totem
X
Munbulkitj, m.
Crocodile totem
I
-Manjerowuli, m.
Cockatoo totem
The Munbulkitj woman of the crocodile totem is the
proper wife of the Manjerowuli man of the cockatoo
totem.
It would appear as if very considerable modifications
were taking place amongst the northern coastal tribes in
regard to their totemic systems, just as, also, in
connection with their social organisation. Much the
same thing happened on the opposite side of the continent
where, in Victoria, a local organisation took the place
of the normal class system, and where, also, amongst
the most modified tribes, the old totemic system largely
disappeared, its former existence being indicated by the
persistence of a few, perhaps only one or two, totemic
group names. In the Iwaidja tribe, at the present day,
the old class system has been replaced by a local
organisation, the totemic groups are very unequally
204 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
distributed amongst the local groups, and the totemic
group names are evidently disappearing. Munbulkitj
has only one totemic name and that is common to
two groups, goanna and mullet ; Manjerojelli has one,
Manjerowuli has three.
It is practically too late to study the totemic systems
amongst tribes such as the Larakia, whose members have
been for long in contact with settlements. Amongst the
Larakia my informant told me that the word for totem
was Unga ; that originally every individual belonged to a
totemic group ; that a man of- one token could not marry
a woman of the same, and that the children took the
totemic name of the father.
In the Worgait tribe each individual may apparently
be associated with more than one totemic group. My
informant told me that he belonged to the frog,
shark, and sugar-bag totem groups, and that he had
inherited them from his father. The first was his main
totem, the other two, as he said, " came afterwards."
His mother was water-snake. A man may not marry
a woman of the same totemic name as himself. If a
stranger comes into a camp he is asked, Ninik kuna
koga, " What is your totem ? " If, for example, he
be a snake (or yam) man, he will reply, Naidja wunga
(or wild) koga, that is, " the snake (or yam) totem."
Further still, my imformant told me that if the stranger
was an old man and told him that his totem was
frog, he, the younger man, would call him boppa, the
same name that he applies to his father. If, on the other
hand, he belonged to the water-snake totemic group,
he would call him kukka, the same name that he applies
to his mother's brother. There is, so far as I could find
out, no restriction in regard to eating the totemic animal
or plant.
IV TOTEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS 205
In the Djauan tribe the totem groups are associated
with the sub-classes, the various pairs of the latter that
are known as " mates," or l^maranbun, having totem
groups in common. Thus Ngaritjban and Pungaringba
have pelican, kangaroo, and goanna ; Pulainba and
Palieringba have sugar-bag and lily ; Waidba and
Kamara have plum ^ and snake (kurk) ; Kungilla and
Wamut have crocodiles {kangi, the larger, and togal, the
smaller) and snake (jjural). A man may marry a woman
of any totem group provided she belongs to the proper
sub-class, and as the totem groups are strictly divided
amongst these it follows that a man cannot marry a
woman of the same totemic name as himself. The word
for totem is lunga and descent is counted in the male
line. My informant was a Wamut man of a snake
(jjural) totem ; he was married to a Pungaringba woman
of the goanna totem and his children were Kungilla and
snake {tjural).
In the Mungarai tribe the totem groups are associated
with the sub-classes, the native term for totem being
Namaragua. Each totemic group has a head man called
Ijugeanandu. My chief informant, an old man named
Wallungwarra, gave me the following list of totemic
groups, but it is probable that there are still more ; these,
however, were all that he, and two other men with him,
could recollect : —
Bat (wallalka), black snake (djungwitj), cat-fish
(warba), small crocodile (walbian), crow (waiwagmin),
euro (kangilauro), goanna (djerkain), hawk (kamannin),
kangaroo (gaauwi), lily (godiak), frilled lizard (wadidji),
native companion (dagmin), opossum (widjurt), pelican
(abaiya), porcupine (muUulberri), waterplant (ngarait),
rain (ngaugo), a non-venomous snake (ngabandi), a
' The fruit of a tree, Bicchanania nangoides.
2o6 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
poison snake (mimain), water snake (nanjugo), sugar-bag
(ngauwap), native turkey (tjambirrina), long-tailed
wallaby (walligeru), wallaby or paddy melon (mabiling),
dark wallaby (ngirimu), rock wallaby (wunarungun),
wind (wailulu).
The groups are divided amongst the sub-classes as
indicated in the following list : —
All rain
men and women are
ngapalieri.
All paddy melon
J)
»
nakomara.
All water plant
jj
5)
ngapalieri.
All snake
5)
31
nakomara.
All goanna
IJ
33
ngangiella.
All turkey
»»
33
ngabuUan.
All cat-fish
))
33
ngapungari.
All crocodile
)J
33
ngangiella.
All frilled lizard
))
33
ngaritjbellan.
All small hawk
1)
33
nakomara.
All native companion
5)
33
ngopungari.
All poison snake
»
33
ngabuUan.
All euro
))
33
ngabuUan.
All brush-tailed wallaby
»
„
ngapalieri.
All opossum
))
33
tjabijin.
All dingo
5J
33
tjabijin.
All sugar-bag
)>
33
ngabuUan.
All plain wallaby
))
33
ngangiella.
All porcupine
J5
33
ngaburella.
All bat
»
53
ngapalieri.
All lily
»>
33
tjabijin.
All pelican
JJ
33
tjabijin.
All black snake
))
33
ngangieUa.
All kangaroo
JJ
33
ngaburella.
All wind
3)
53
ngaritjbellan.
All rock wallaby
JJ
33
nakomara.
A remarkable feature of the totemic system of this
tribe is that while, as usual, a man must marry a woman
belonging to a totemic group different from his own, the
children pass into one which is neither the same as that
of their father or mother, but is associated with the sub-
class to which they belong on the father's side of the
IV TOXEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS 207
tribe. The following list indicates a certain number of
the marriage arrangements so far as the totem groups are
concerned and those into which the children pass : —
A Ngapalieri man of the water-plant totem marries a Nako-
mara woman of the paddy-melon totem and their children are
NgabuUan and poison snake.
A Ngapalieri man of the rain-totem marries a Nakomara
woman of the rock-wallaby totem and their children are
NgabuUan and Euro.
A Ngangiella man of the plain-wallaby totem marries a
NgabuUan woman of the euro totem and their children are
Tjabijin and opossum.
A Nakomara man of the paddy-melon totem marries a
Ngapalieri woman of the brush-tailed wallaby totem and their
children are Ngaburella and porcupine.
A Ngaburella man of the porcupine totem marries a Ngaritj-
bellan woman of the frilled-lizard totem and their children are
Nakomara and small hawk.
A Ngangiella man of the goanna totem marries a NgabuUan
woman of the turkey totem and their children are Tjabijin
and lily.
A NgabuUan man of the sugar-bag totem marries a Ngangiella
woman of the crocodile totem and their children are Ngapalieri
and rain.
A Tjabijin man of the pelican totem marries a Ngapungari
woman of the cat-fish totem and their children are Ngangiella
and black snake.
A Ngaburella man of the kangaroo totem marries a
Ngaritjbellan woman of the wind totem and their children are
Nakomara and paddy melon.
A Tjabijin man of the dingo totem marries a Ngapungari
woman of the native-companion totem and their children are
Ngangiella and plain wallaby.
The same curious system is apparently present in the
Yungman Tribe into which, however, I had very little
opportunity of inquiring. The totem groups appear to
be associated with the sub-classes and the children of
necessity belong to a group associated with the father's
side of the tribe but with a sub-class to which he does
2o8 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
not belong — the sub-class of his father and of his
children. Thus, for example, a man of the dingo totem
marries a sugar-bag woman and the children belong to
the rain totem. The NuUakun term for totem is
mungaiini.
These two tribes appear to differ from their neighbours
in having their totem groups divided, not between the
moieties, but the sub-classes, so that it is impossible for a
child to have the same totem as either its father or its
mother. The Mungarai and Yungman are in contact, on
the one hand, with tribes such as the Djauan, which has
been already described, and, on the other, with the
Nullakun and Mara. The organisation of the Djauan,
so far as the class system is concerned, is identical with
that of the Mungarai and Yungman, and yet the totemic
system is practically the same as that of the Mara and
Nullakun tribes, from both of which it differs radically
in regard to its class organisation. In the Djauan tribe
the totem groups are divided between the sub-classes in
such a way that those to which parents and children
belong have them in common and the descent of the
totem is strictly paternal. In the Mara and Nullakun
the same is true, though sub-class names are not present.
My informant in the former tribe was a Mumbali man
and his totem, the native word for which is Urarakammo,
was a snake called daual. His father's totem was daual
and so, also, was that of his children. His wife was a
Purdal woman and her totem was Tjarukual or Euro ;
his mother was a Kuial woman of the wordahil or goanna
totem. His son must marry a Kuial woman of the
wordahil totem. Each totem group has its head man
who is called Yunguan.
So, again, in the Nullakun tribe descent is counted in
the direct male line and the totems are divided between
IV TOXEMIC SYSTEMS AND TOTEM GROUPS 209
the classes. Thus, the children of a kulakulungini, or
rainbow man, are kulakulungini ; those of a nanguru, or
large crocodile man, are nanguru, and those of a janambu,
or small crocodile man, are janambu. The native v7ord
for totem is mus, and each group has its head man, who is
called Kujungowangeri.
CHAPTER V
SACRED STICKS, BULL-ROARERS, AND CEREMONIAL
OBJECTS
Comparative absence of the equivalents of Churinga in the
Northern tribes. — No bull-roarers on Melville and Bathurst
Islands. — Beliefs of women and children in regard to the
bull-roarer. — Larakia tribe. — Destruction of the sticks. —
Worgait tribe. — Iwaidja tribe. — Djauan tribe. — Mungarai
tribe. — Preservation of the sticks. — Tradition of Kunapippi
who first made the bull-roarer. — Tradition of women with
bull-roarers. — Kakadu tribe. — Sticks and stones associated
with the Muraian ceremony. — Description of them. — Partial
resemblance of some to the animals which they represent, and
possible origin of other ceremonial objects such as Churinga. —
Difference between the significance of the Churinga of the
Arunta and the Muraian objects of the Kakadu.
One of the most striking features in regard to the
sacred and totemic ceremonies of the Northern, as
compared with the Central, tribes is the comparative
absence of the equivalents of the Churinga and such
ceremonial objects as Nurtunjas and Waningas that form
so striking a feature of the Arunta tribe. It is, of course,
possible that such, or their equivalents, exist, indeed, the
Kakadu and allied tribes have an extensive series of
sacred stick and stones, but these are not used during
ordinary totemic ceremonies in the same way in which
the Churinga are amongst the Arunta, nor have they the
same significance as the Churinga.
CH. V CEREMONIAL OBJECTS 211
So far as I could discover there are no bull-roarers used
amongst the Melville and Bathurst Island natives, nor on
the mainland amongst the following tribes : — Koarnbut,
Quiradara, Norweilemil, Punuurlu, Kumertuo, Geimbio,
Noalanji and Kakadu. These form a large group of
allied tribes inhabiting the Coburg Peninsula and the
north coast drained by the Alligator Rivers, the King,
and the Liverpool, etc.
At all events, as we pass from the centre to the north,
the beliefs with regard to the sacred sticks and stones
have a decided tendency to become simpler, and in
none of the northern tribes does there appear to be
any tradition with regard to the association of any
particular bull-roarer with a special ancestor. Nor do we
meet with anything corresponding to the Ertnatulunga
or sacred storing places in which the Arunta preserve
their Churinga.
In every instance the women and children believe that
the noise made by twirling the roarer is the voice of a
great spirit that comes to carry off the boy during
initiation and in no case is a woman allowed to see one.
This belief, held by the women and children, is apparently
widely spread over the whole of Central and Northern
Australia and was probably, at one time, universal in its
distribution amongst Australian tribes. It is equally true
that the youths are, everywhere and always, at the time
of initiation, told that the noise is not the voice of a
spirit but is made by the bull-roarer. They are also
warned that on no account must they speak of it to
the women and children. These sticks are amongst those
objects that the Arunta speak of as being Ekeirinja, the
Mungarai, makugua^ and the Kakadu, kumali ; all of
which words signify that they are of such a ngture that
only initiated men may see or know anything about them.
p 2
212 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
In the Larakia tribe they are called Bidu-Bidu (Plate II,
Figs. 3, 4). Each is a thin slab of wood, a foot or
eighteen inches in length and three or four inches in
greatest width, near to one end which is rounded. The
other end is truncate with a square hole in it through
which string is threaded. The string is usually made
of human hair and is about three or four yards in length.
As the roarer is whirled through the air it becomes
twisted round and round until it is taut, and then it
vibrates, producing the characteristic sound to which the
popular name of the wooden slab is due. The Bidu-
Bidu is shown ' to the youths during initiation. It is
supposed to be full of magic power and must be rubbed
over the bodies of the old men before they can be
handled with safety by the youths. If they were not
rubbed in this way and some of their magic thereby
transferred to the men, they would cause the bodies of
the youths to swell up. The latter are allowed to carry
them about and they are supposed to enable them to
catch fish and game and find out where " sugar-bags "
can be secured. When the whole ceremony is over and
the youths, who are now admitted to the status of Belier,
return to their camp and ordinary life, the Bidu-Bidu are
broken up and completely destroyed by fire. This is
very different indeed from what takes place in the
Central tribes, amongst whom the loss or destruction of a
Churinga is a very serious matter.
If a woman should, by any chance, see a Bidu-Bidu
while it is being carried about by a Belier youth, the old
men immediately send a message to a medicine man
living in a distant part of the country called Bebiba.
The medicine man, who is known as Kuldungun, comes at
once but can only be seen by the old men, who meet him
' Cf. Chapter iii.
V CEREMONIAL OBJECTS 213
and point out the offending Belier and woman. The
medicine man takes the kidney fat out of each of them,
sews them up, and lets them go. This is done without
their being aware of it but, after a short time, each
of them suddenly suffers severe pain and dies. Their
death is generally attributed to snake bite, but the old
men know what has really happened.
In the Worgait tribe the sticks are called Bidu-Bidu
or Bidju-Bidju and the customs or beliefs associated with
them are practically the same as those in the Larakia.
In the Iwaidja tribe at Port Essington the sticks are
called Kurahudji and are shown to the young men during
the initiation ceremony that admits them to the status of
Naialpur. The old men, first of all, rub their own
bodies with them, so as to modify the magic with which
they are filled, and then place them on the hands of the
youths, who, after examining them, hand them back
again. At various times the bodies of the youths are
rubbed with the Kurahudji, sometimes while they are
standing up, sometimes while they are lying down.
In the Djauan tribe the sticks are called Kunapippi, or
Kunabibbi, and the general beliefs in regard to them are
closely similar to those of the Larakia and Worgait. There
is, however, this great difference, they are not destroyed
after the ceremony in which they are used is over, but
are carefully stored away in places known only to the old
men. This is interesting because the Djauan tribe inhabits
country around and to the south of the Katherine River,
and thus is in contact with the northernmost of the true
Central tribes amongst whom the Churinga are handed
down from generation to generation.
In the Mungarai tribe the sticks are also called
Kunapippi. They are considerably larger than those of
the Larakia, reaching a length of two and a half feet, and
214 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
are carried by messengers, who go out to summon
members of distant groups to take part in sacred cere-
monies (Plate II). They are made from the wood of the
india-rubber tree, and the women and children think the
sound they make is the voice of a spirit called ngagurnguruk.
They are preserved in certain sacred spots which are very
suggestive, in one important respect, of the ertnatulunga of
the Arunta. Any animal at or quite close to one of the
latter must not be killed ; it is, for the time being, strictly
ekeirinja. The custom is not quite so strict in the case
of the sacred spots amongst the Mungarai, where the
sticks are secreted, but if any animal, such as a kangaroo,
be killed on the spot, or close by, only the old men
may eat it ; no young man, woman, or child must
touch it.
The Mungarai have a detailed tradition dealing with
the way in which they first became possessed of the sticks.
In the far away times that they call Kurnallan there existed
a very big man named Kunapippi. He existed before
there were any of the present-day black-fellows, and is
reported to have had plenty of dilly bags. Also he had
plenty of spirit children, all boys and no girls, whom he
carried in his bags. For some time he sang out, like the
men do now when they perform sacred ceremonies,
quivering his hand in front of his mouth so as to make
the sound called T'jungulamma.
He had, at first, been underground, but he came out
and made a camp with a raised bank all round it, and cut
a large quantity of grass that he placed on the ground in
the centre. This over, he brought the boys out of his
dilly bags and put them on the grass. He possessed
several of the sacred sticks, called, like himself, Kunapippi.
He had made them, and was the first to have any. Then
he made forehead bands for the boys, and decorated them
V CEREMONIAL OBJECTS 215
in just the same way in which the natives now decorate the
youths during the initiation ceremony.
He divided the boys up, first into two groups, called
Nakarangua and Ngahallana^ half of them in each. First
of all he took the Nakarangua and told each one of them
xhejakina (sub-class) to which he belonged. To one boy
he said, jakina nunji ngaritjbellan, to another, jakina nunj'i
ngabullan, and so on. Then he took the Ngaballana and
said to one mzn, jakina nunji ngaburella, to another, jakina
nunji ngangiella, and so on, until, at last, each boy had
received his proper y«^/«a, or sub-class, name.
Kunapippi himself belonged to no special class or totem
group ; he belonged to everything, and was a very big
man, with a very big foot.
After he had given the boys their jakina he gave them
their namaragua (totem) names. Before, however, he
actually did this he showed them all the different cor-
robborees, or ceremonies, telling them to which totemic
group each of them belonged. These special corrobborees
are called Tjon. He began to perform them at sundown
and kept them up all night long, making 'Tjungulamma
continuously. Just before sunrise he painted two boys,
told them what to do and how to dance, and then sat
down and watched them. At sunrise they had a short
rest. Then he started again and told the boys to paint
themselves — some were crocodiles, some galah parrots,
some emu, etc., right through all the namaragua, or
totem groups — and, again, told each of them to which he
belonged, or, rather, which belonged to him, saying to
one man, namaragua nunji warmin, your totem (is) euro ;
to another, namaragua nunji nanung, your totem (is)
sugar-bag, and so on right through the whole list.
After concluding the ceremonies and instructions to the
boys, Kunapippi went away and caught a lot of fish,
2i6 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
crocodiles, turtles, etc., filled his baskets, and brought
them back into camp for the boys to eat. He took one
of his Kunapippi sticks with him, and, when he came
back near to the camp, twirled it to let the boys know
that he was close by. The boys jumped up when they
saw him coming, carrying the animals that he had
captured. They had never seen any of them before, and,
after Kunapippi had told them their names, they ate them
all up. They did not bite the food, but simply gobbled
it down. Everybody ate some of everything. This over,
Kunapippi took two boomerangs, the boys painted them-
selves, and, while he kept time, they danced their own
corrobborees, or 7/"o«, so that they would know them in
future.
After this, Kunapippi performed the ceremonies of
circumcision and subincision, and showed them how to
conduct the operations.
Other natives from a distant part now came up. They
had no jaklna and no namaragua and had left their
women behind them. When they came near to his
camp Kunapippi said to them, jakina nimmo nunji, what
is your jakina .? The natives did not know and could not
answer. They simply stood up in silence. Kunapippi did
not allow them to come close to the ceremonial camp. First
of all he divided them into Nakarangua and Ngaballana.
Then he gave each man his proper jakina (sub-class) and
namaragua (totem) and, also, told them which was the right
lubra for each man to marry, because, up to this time, they
had taken any lubra. Tradition relates, without giving any
reason for it, that Kunapippi then killed and ate all of
them except two, who managed to escape. Later on he
disgorged all their bones and when, after a time, the two
men came back they found nothing but these, because
Kunapippi had eaten all the flesh.
V CEREMONIAL OBJECTS 217
The two men hastened back to their own country and,
meeting with a number of their own people, told them
what had happened. The men all armed themselves with
stone tomahawks, and crept quietly up towards the camp
where Kunapippi was sitting down with his boys. They
came up silently and, making a sudden rush, one man hit
him in the back and another on the side with an axe.
After he had been thus wounded, a man ran up, hit him
on the back of the neck and killed him. Before this he
had eaten two of his own boys, but they cut him open
and rescued them alive.
Kunapippi's boys then mixed with the strangers and
instructed them in all things concerning the jakina and
namaragua. They also made the different corrobborees
and showed them to the men and, in addition, they told
them how to conduct the operations of circumcision and
subincislon. Finally they secured the sacred sticks that
belonged to Kunapippi and have kept and used them
ever since.
At the present day no lubra is allowed to see any of
the sacred objects, but the Mungarai tribe has a tradition
which purports to show that such was not always the
case, but that, just as amongst the Arunta and other
tribes, if any credence may be placed on traditions, there
was a time when women were allowed to see and know a
good deal more than they do now.
Not far from a water pool, called Crescent Lagoon,
there is a range of hills rising somewhat abruptly from
the Roper Plains over which, at one place, the water
pours in torrents during the rain season. Here, in the
far past times, there arose a woman of the Ngapalieri
sub-class and kunapippi totem. She carried a netted
string bag and, in this, her kunapippi wrapped up in
paper bark. From Miram-mi-idji, where she left many
2i8 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
spirit children, she walked underground and came out at
a place called Winjerri, where there is a big hill and
water hole, close by a cattle station now called Hodgson
Downs. Here she left more spirit children and, coming
out above ground, walked along, swinging her bull-
roarer as she did so.
At Kunjerri she met a number of other kunapippi
women who were making corrobborees and joined in with
them. A man, named Kumkum, a Ngapalieri man of
the fish-hawk totem, who, like all of these old ancestors,
was supposed to have arisen " by himself," came up to
them, wearing a forehead band. The women had finished
their corrobboree before they discovered that he had been
watching them. They at once hid their kunapippi in the
ground, wrapped in paper bark. Kumkum, of course,
had seen what they were doing, but he asked them what
they had hidden. They replied that they had hidden
some things belonging to them. Then he came right up
into their camp and unearthed the kunapippi, saying,
" What have you got here .? They are good ones ; I will
take them." He did so and went away leaving the
women at Kunjerri where, finally, they went into the
ground. Since that day no lubra has ever possessed a
kunapippi.
Perhaps the most interesting of the sacred ceremonial
objects that I came across amongst these Northern Tribes,
were a very considerable number of sticks and stones
associated with different totemic animals and plants in
the Kakadu tribe. They are associated with a special
ceremony called Muraian which appears to form the last
of the initiation series in the Kakadu and allied tribes, and
I have already referred to them in connection with this
subject.^
1 Cf. Chapter iii.
I
■■■HIBHHI^^HiH^^BI 1'''"""" '^' H^^MI
ifiiwegfK
H ui
Z O
o &
S H
O K
z o
I
\
«.£."
y^' _>. _.__
V CEREMONIAL OBJECTS 219
A representative series is illustrated in Plates III, IV,
V, VI, and VII, those on Plate III serving to give a good
idea of the nature of the colour decorations. As a general
rule, amongst the Central Australian natives, sacred objects
such as these, which are supposed to be closely associated
with, and, in fact, to represent animals and plants, have
not the slightest resemblance in form to the latter. This
is equally true of most of the Muraian objects, but, on
the other hand, there are a few that form rather striking
exceptions to this rule. The three turtles on Plate IV. are
unmistakably suggestive of the animal, especially the one
represented in Fig. i, though, at the same time, the
colour decoration is purely conventional. This particular
one is supposed to be the Muraian itself. Its total length
was sixteen and its greatest width seven and a half inches.
The body had a concavity of not more than an inch and a
half. The whole surface, and this seems to be true of all
these Muraian objects, was covered, first of all, with a
coating of red ochre. The band all round the margin and
the two pairs of bands running at right angles to one
another are yellow. All the light lines, dots and bands
are pure white. Fig. 2 measures twenty inches in
length, and six in width. Fig. 3 measures thirteen in length
and six in width. Neither of these has any indication of a
tail, but each of them has eyes, and the decorative scheme
is almost identical. The only difference between the two
lies in their shape and in the fact that the two longi-
tudinal lines running along the length of the object in one
case are yellow and in the other red. Neither of them
has any concavity in the body.
On Plate III., Fig. i represents a fish, called Bararil.
It is quite flat, two feet in greatest length, and about five
inches in greatest width. One end is evidently indicative
of a head, with an eye, and the other suggests a tail.
220 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Fig. 2, which measures twenty-seven inches in length, is
decidedly conventionalised ; but its long, thin form and
extended beaks suggest, to a slight extent, a bird such as
the native companion, which it is supposed to represent.
Fig. 3 is interesting when compared with those on Plate 1.
Like them, it is supposed to represent a turtle. It is
twenty-two inches in length, with a distinctly concave
body, tapering rapidly to a tail at one end, while at the
other there is a projecting part that, presumably, re-
presents a neck and head. All the remaining objects on
this plate are supposed to represent yams, to which, with
possibly a slight exception in the case of Fig. 5, they have
not the slightest resemblance.^
On Plate V., Fig. i, which measures forty-four inches
in length, four and a half in greatest width, and about
three-quarters in thickness, represents a snake, called
Tjungoan, to which it has not the slightest resemblance. It
has been, first of all, coated all over with yellow ochre, and
on this designs, consisting of cross-hatched lines of white
pipe clay have been laid down, leaving bands and spaces
of yellow. Figs. 2 and 3 represent, respectively, a female
and a male Numereji snake. Numereji snakes and snake
men and snake women figure largely in the traditions of
the Kakadu tribe. Both of these two may be said to be
suggestive of snakes in general form. In the lower one
of the two, which measures thirty-seven inches in length,
the more pointed end is the head. The whole surface
was originally covered with light red ochre. There are
three series of transverse bands. The one nearest the
head end consists of three, a dark red, crossed by white
lines, between two yellow ones. The middle series has
two dark red bands, and, between them, a broader light
' The specimens figured on this Plate are referred to more in detail
in the chapter dealing with Decorative Art.
r^ vO LTi
V CEREMONIAL OBJECTS 221
red crossed by white lines. At the hinder end there is a
similar light red band between two yellow ones. Along
what is supposed to indicate the middle of the under
surface (shown uppermost in the figure) there are, in the
middle part, a series of light red squares, crossed by lines
of white and outlined by yellow, which are supposed to
represent the specially large median row of scales on the
under-surface of the snake. In the hinder part their place
is taken by a series of dark red bands separated by
white.
The decoration of the upper of the two Numereji
snakes is simpler. It measures forty-seven inches in
length, and has a very distinct head, with mouth and teeth,
and eye with black pupil and red iris. There are cross
bands of yellow on the back, bands of light red along the
under-surface, and the tail end is dark red.
Fig. 4, represents a yam, called Murlappa. It is simply
a stick, circular in outline, forty-nine inches long, and one
and a-quarter in diameter. It is covered all over with red
ochre, and, at, roughly, a foot from each end, there are
circles knotched round, the grooves being blackened and
the raised part between them whitened. Between the two
series all the middle of the stick is twined round and
round with string decorated like the gaily coloured
feathers of the Blue Mountain parakeet. Fig. 5 also
represents a yam, called Tjunara. It is forty-nine inches
long, two in width, and is flattened from side to side. It
is, as usual, red ochred, and has knotched circles picked
out in black. Fig. 6 is forty-six inches long, and is a
simple, round stick with a ground work of light red, and
spaces filled in with cross-hatched white lines. It repre-
sents a fish called Bararil. Fig. 7 is equally simple. In
the middle part of one surface there is a patch of white
spots on the usual red ground ; in front of and behind
222 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
this the white is solid, and in the opposite surface there is
the usual cross-hatching of white lines. The remainder
of the surface is red, and the whole stick has a slight
curve, which is evidently intentional. It represents, also,
a yam.
Plate VI represents a series of the Muraian objects
all of which agree in one feature, which is the presence
of a very distinct fork at one end. Fig. i represents
an Eribinjori, or large crocodile. It measures twenty-
eight inches in length, and has a slightly swollen end
indicating the head, with two black dots and white lines
round them to represent eyes. The ground colour is
red. Fig. 2 is thirty inches in length and represents
a small fish, called Jimidauappa. It has two small squares
representing eyes and is decorated with tassels of white
cockatoo feathers. Fig. 3 represents an animal called
Mudburungun. It is forty-five inches long; has two
holes bored through, close to the fork, representing eyes
through which are threaded tassels of owl feathers. The
middle part is wound round with close-set strands of
vegetable fibre string, and the general surface colour
is red. Figs. 4 and 5 both represent a bird, called
Karakera, the spur-winged plover. In the lower one,
which has a length of forty-three inches, the cross bands
are yellow, the remainder of the surface is red with the
usual cross-hatching of white lines, and, in one part,
circles of yellow, centred and bordered with white spots.
The upper one measures forty inches, the cross bands
are yellow with, also, a yeUow band along each edge
bearing a line of white dots. The remainder of the
surface is red with white cross lines.. Both of them
are elliptical in section, and they are supposed to be,
what the natives call, "mates." The one represented
in Fig. 4 differs from all the others in having a different
V CEREMONIAL OBJECTS 223
design on the two sides. The oblong space, in the
middle, crossed with white dots and cross lines, is re-
placed on the other side by a design somewhat like
that immediately to the right hand of it in the illustra-
tion ; the latter was replaced by simple, cross-hatched
white lines. This is the only one on which the two
sides differed. Fig. 6 represents a small fish called
Jimidauappa. It measures thirty-eight inches in length.
Two eyes are indicated; the five oblongs with white
cross lines have a red ground ; the rest of the surface
is yellow. Fig. 7 represents a large bird, the Australian
stork, called Jabiru, the native name of which is
Brutpenniweir. It measures forty-two inches in length.
The two dots are presumably meant for eyes. They
are on a yellow ground, all the rest of the surface being
red. Fig. 8 represents the same bird. The dark cross
bands are yellow, a band of the same colour running
along each side. The groundwork of the oblong spaces
with lozenge-shaped centres and white cross lines and
spots is red. Fig. 9 measures fifty-four inches in
length ; at the broader end it is elliptical in section,
measuring two and a-half inches by one and a-quarter.
The whole surface is red with white, cross-hatched
lines and spots. Two elongate holes are evidently
modifications of former eyes, and each of them has,
threaded through it, a tassel of white and black feathers.
Fig. 10 is one of the largest of the series, measuring
sixty inches in length. It represents an old crocodile
or Eribinjori. The tips of the two prongs are light
red, their lower parts are white. Then comes a band
of dark red, an inch in width. Then comes a band, two
and a-half inches across, with a light red ground and
white lines and dots, as seen in the figure, the circle,
surrounded by the white dots, being a dark red. Then
224 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
comes a three-quarter inch band of dark red, then a
three-inch band of light red, with white bands and lines
and an oblong hole through the centre. The rest of
the surface is dark red, the greater portion being
covered with close-set, white cross lines, a line of
white spots running along each edge.
In addition to the sticks there are also stones that are
associated with the Muraian ceremonies. I saw altogether
twenty-nine of these, a few of which are represented on
Plate VII. They are all of them naturally shaped stones,
for the most part, apparently, sandstone. They all re-
present objects such as yams to which they approximate
in shape, or the eggs of different animals. In most cases
the stone seems to have been rubbed over first with red
ochre, in a very few yellow ochre has been used, and
then, just as in the case of the sticks, white cross lines
and dots have been added. Fig. i represents the egg of
Eribinjori, the large crocodile, and measures four inches
in greatest diameter, and six inches in length, and one
and three-quarters in width. Fig. 2 represents a Kudj-
alinga, or turtle's egg, the design in the centre suggesting
an attempt to portray the animal with its head and front
feet. It measures seven inches in length, four and one-
quarter in width, and is decidedly convex on the surface
shown, and flat on the under one. Fig. 3 is a curiously
flat stone, seven and a-half inches in length by three in
width and one and a quarter in thickness, and represents
a special yam called Gunumaramila. Fig. 4 represents
a lily root, called Purijiliji, and Fig. 5, the smallest of
them all, represents the egg of a Mundebendo, or wild
turkey. Fig. 6 is a lily root or Worki, one of the most
staple and favourite foods of the natives ; Fig. 7 is the
Iwaija Kopereipi, or emu egg, one of the earliest and
most important of the Muraian stones, and Fig. 8 is the
V CEREMONIAL OBJECTS 225
Kulori yam which is associated with one of the most
important initiation ceremonies.
These will serve to give some idea of the nature of
these Muraian sticks and stones which are a peculiar
feature of the Kakadu nation, so far as we know at
present. They differ from the Churinga of the Arunta
both in form and significance. The Churinga proper are
wonderfully consistent in shape, whether they be made of
wood or stone. They are typically flattened from side
to side and decorated with incised patterns, whereas the
Muraian objects vary very much in shape and may even,
as we have seen, bear a crude resemblance to the animal
with which they are associated. It is interesting, in this
respect, to compare a series of Muraian sticks such, for
example, as the turtle (Plate IV., Fig. i) and the turtle
(Plate III., Fig. 3) ; the two Numereji snakes (Plate V.,
Figs. 2 and 3) ; the native companion (Plate III., Fig. 2)
and the spur-winged plover (Plate VI., Fig. 4) ; the
Bararil fish (Plate III., Fig. i) and the Jimidauappa fish
(Plate v., Fig. 6) ; and the yams (Plate III., Figs. 5-8).]
Of the turtles, the first is a fairly good representative
of the animal and could not well be mistaken for any-
thing else. The second is more like a trowel than a
turtle, but the knowledge that it is really meant for a
turtle enables a general fundamental resemblance to be
detected. The upper of the two Numereji snakes is
decidedly suggestive of the animal with its toothed jaws
and banded body. The lower one is decidedly conven-
tionalised both in form and decoration, three series of cross
bands being emphasised. There is something in the
shape of the Muraian object, representing the native
companion, that suggests a bird, flying through the air,
with its long beak, head, and neck extended straight in
front ; its body relatively small, and its legs stretched
226 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
out behind. On the other hand, there is absolutely
nothing to suggest that the forked stick, which represents
the spur-winged plover, has anything whatever to do with
a bird, beyond the fact that the two prongs may well be
remnants of the indication of a long bill. So again the
first of the two fishes has a decided suggestion of a fish-
like form, but the second has none whatever and is purely
conventional, the only indication of any relationship to
an animal form being afforded by the two prongs which
may represent the jaws, and two spots which certainly are
vestiges of eyes. The first of the two yams, whilst con-
ventionalised, does bear some resemblance to a swollen
one, attached to a root, but the second is entirely un-
recognisable as indicative of either an animal or a plant.
This series is of interest as showing the way in which,
amongst these tribes, ceremonial objects have possibly
been developed. In the first instance they may well
have been designed to represent, with fair accuracy, the
salient features of some animal or plant. In a climate
such as that of the Northern Territory no wooden object
lasts more than a certain time, so that these Muraian
objects must have been remade time after time. It
is quite possible that, when they were thus remade, the
artificer endeavoured to reproduce, not the actual form of
the animal or plant, but that of the original sacred object,
as he remembered it. It is well known how copies, taken
in succession, one after the other, of an original drawing,
become so modified in the course of a relatively small
series, that the last bears no resemblance to the original —
it has become completely conventionalised. It is possible
that the Muraian objects show us a series that have not
as yet become completely conventionalised but are on
their way to this, and that, in course of time, had they
been left alone, we might have had a series of sacred
V CEREMONIAL OBJECTS 227
sticks and stones developed which would have shown no
more resemblance to the animals and plants whose names
they bear than do the Churinga of the Arunta. There is,
however, one important difference between the Muraian
objects and the Churinga. The latter are associated with
individual human beings, the former, save in the one case
of the original Muraian, who was supposed to have been
swimming about in the water in the form of a turtle, are
always totemic animals or plants. They are very
distinctly of this nature and thus differ markedly from
the Churinga with each one of which a human being's
spirit part is intimately associated. The Muraian of the
Kakadu represent the essence, as it were, of the totemic
animal or plant in just the same way in which the
Churinga of the Arunta represent the essence of the
human totemite, and these two sets of sacred objects
indicate development of savage thought along two
different lines. The Churinga of the Arunta and the
beliefs associated with them are practically a thing of the
past, for the tribe is now decimated in numbers and
degenerate in habits. The Muraian of the Kakadu will
not survive for long.
<2 2
CHAPTER VI
BURIAL AND MOURNING CEREMONIES
Melville and Bathurst Islands. — Description of graves. — Decoration
and erection of grave posts. — Mourning ceremonies. — Danc-
ing round the fire. — Driving the spirit into the ground. —
Description of ceremonies performed at the grave. — Special
bark armlets and discs worn and carried by the wromen. —
Colour decorations of men and women. — Kakadu tribe. —
Death and burial of a woman. — Morlil ceremony, in part a
purification ceremony. — Smoking the dilly bags. — Painting
with charcoal. Second part of the Morlil. — Women wearing
armlets called Kundama. — Special names for certain relatives
of the dead person. — Barter associated with mourning
ceremonies. — Waduman and Mudburra tribes. — Tree burial.
— Laglauer ceremony. — Dead person's totem must not be
eaten until special ceremony performed. — Larakia tribe. —
Tree burial followed by ground burial. — Mungarai tribe. —
Tree grave. — Lurkun ceremony. — Bough coffin. — Ceremony
on ceremonial ground called Kalal. — Lurkun shown to the
women. — Mara tribe. — Eating the flesh of the dead. — Burial
of bones in tree grave. — Gathering the bones, .skull smashing
and burial of them except arm bones. — Lurkun ceremony and
final disposal of bough coffin.
In certain respects the most elaborate mourning cere-
monies that I have seen amongst the different tribes were
, those of the Melville and Bathurst Island natives. They
are also interesting because they differ so completely from
any on the northern mainland and seem to point to the
fact that the island natives have either developed these
CH. VI BURIAL AND MOURNING CEREMONIES 229
ceremonies amongst themselves or have derived them
from some other people with whom they, but, apparently,
not the natives of the mainland, have come in contact.
It is well known that the natives on these Islands erect
grave-posts that are often elaborately decorated with
designs of a nature peculiar to them. So far as I am
aware, the mainland tribes have no similar custom, but
enough is not known of the northern coastal tribes to
speak with certainty. In most respects the Melville and
Bathurst people are closely allied to those inhabiting the
Coburg Peninsula and the country south of this along
the Alligator Rivers, and the existence of these remark-
able burial and mourning ceremonies on the two islands
is very difficult to understand.
Thanks to the assistance of my friend, Mr. R. J.
Cooper, who has for many years past lived on Melville
Island, and to the opportunity of visiting the Mission
station, recently established on Bathurst Island by the
Society of the Sacred Heart, under the management of
Father Gsell, I was able to witness and secure records of
these quaint and interesting ceremonies. It is due to
Mr. Cooper,^ who has great influence with the natives,
that white men, during recent years, have been able to
visit these islands with impunity and it is not too much
to say that his presence on Melville Island has made it
possible for the Missioners to found their station on
Bathurst Island within sight of his little settlement, across
the narrow Apsley Strait that runs between the Islands.
In July, 191 1, I paid my first visit to Melville Island
' Years ago Mr. Cooper, who was speared by the natives, was obhged
to leave the Island, like everyone else who, up till that time, had tried to
form a settlement there. The natives are physically very robust and
were fierce and very resentful of any white man landing until, some
years ago, when Mr. Cooper at length succeeded in establishing himself
amongst them.
230 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
in company with Dr. Gilruth. On that occasion we
witnessed, thanks to Mr. Cooper, the erection of grave
posts and the mourning ceremonies. These I briefly
described^ but, in March, 19 12, on Melville Island, and
again, in December of the same year, on Bathurst Island,
I had a much better opportunity of watching the cere-
monies. On the first of these two occasions, that is in
March, 19 12, it was near the close of the wet season and
the natives at the same time performed a special and
important yam ceremony, associated with the initiation of
the young men. It rained in torrents every day and the
damp, muggy climate made anything like satisfactory
photographic work, out in the dripping wet scrub, very
difficult. In December, the rain season was just setting
in, but I was able to secure some good records, both with
the ordinary camera and the cinematograph.
When any man or woman dies on these Islands and,
apparently, whether it be a man or a woman makes no
difference, the body is buried in the ground. Tree
burial seems to be unknown amongst them. They
merely make a grave about four feet deep, clear the
ground immediately around it and place sheets of stringy-
bark on the top of the low mound of earth that is heaped
up (Fig. 50). For some months it is left alone, then
they go out into the scrub and cut down trees to make
grave posts. The illustrations will serve to show what
these are like. Each of them is from nine inches to a
foot in diameter and they vary in height from about five
to twelve feet. Some of them are merely posts but every
grave has a certain number that are more or less rudely
shaped. In some cases only a few, perhaps three or four,
are erected during the first mourning ceremony, others
are added at intervals, the final number being, apparently,
' Bulletin of the Northern Territory, No. 2. April, 191 2.
Fig. 50. Newly-made Grave, before erection of Posts. The Mound
IS covered with a Sheet of Paper Bark.
Fig 51. Two Old Gka\es. Melville Island.
\^Face page 230,
VI BURIAL AND MOURNING CEREMONIES 231
about twelve. Thirteen was the greatest number that I
counted, on what was, evidently, an old grave, because
the colour decoration had all disappeared and the posts
were gradually rotting away, some of them having
tumbled down (Fig. 51). The natives told us that, when
once they have completed the ceremonies, they took no
further trouble with the grave and, from the appearance
of the old ones that I saw, there can be no doubt but that
this is so.
As you travel across the Islands you come, every now
and then, across these strange graves, right out in the
lonely scrub, far away from any camp. Sometimes a
space has been cleared round them, or they may be made
in a small opening amongst the gum trees and the
graceful palm-like Cycads, but, as often as not, they are
in the thick scrub and bush fires have swept over them.
In the early days the posts were cut down and shaped
by means of stone tomahawks ; now the work is done
with iron hatchets. At every grave there are one or
more posts through which a rectangular space has been
hollowed out, leaving, on each side, a thin slab which
supports the upper part. The latter is often surmounted
with a knob, standing on the end of a narrow column, or
with a curious double-pronged structure, which may
possibly represent a head or two jaws. Almost every
grave has one of these pronged posts. On every grave
also there are, normally, one or two posts, notably taller
than the rest, and on these are placed, in the case of
women, bark baskets, that they have used for carrying
food and water. They are simply placed, in an inverted
position, on the top of the pole and there they are left
until, in course of time, they rot away or a bush fire
destroys them. The finest graves that I saw were two,
placed side by side, in a small opening amongst the trees
232 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
close to some swamp land In the southern centre of
Melville Island (Fig. 51). They were evidently old,
because there were only traces of the original colour left
on the posts. One had eleven and the other had thirteen
posts round it and the space enclosed by each series
measured eight feet in length by four in width. The
natives who were with us did not show the slightest
concern about them, evidently because they were old
ones and all the necessary ceremonies had been performed
long ago, but, on the other hand, when, later on, we
came across a low mound, with no posts erected and just
a sheet of stringy-bark laid on it, they immediately set to
work and cleared away all the grass and herbage
growing close around the grave (Fig. 50).
After the posts have been cut down and fashioned to
the desired form, the base of each is, first of all, well
charred, and then they are fixed upright in the ground
and painted. In the two series that I saw painted, the
designs varied very much and anyone who desired to do
so was allowed to assist in the painting, even small boys
took a hand in it (Plate X). Black, yellow, white and
red were the colours used and the decorations consisted
of bands, running in wavy or spiral lines down the posts,
or of longitudinal bands between which there were oval
designs, arranged in rows, down the length of the post.
Each man decorating a post, chose his own design, and,
while the work was in progress — and it occupied many
hours — the men were continually laughing and talking
and everyone in the camp, men, women, and children,
were gathered round watching the progress of the work.
Further details with regard to the designs are given in
the chapter dealing with Decorative Art.-'
' The first figure of these graves pubhshed was the one in my
preliminary report, " Bulletin of the Northern Territory, No. 2, 1912.
Plate VIII. Armlets worn uy women during
MOI RNING CEREJIuNIES OX ilEL\ILLE AND BaTHURST ISLANDS
IFace /ni^t- 232
'X
o
Q
Plate X. GkAvi; I\)i)is, ili-i.viLi.i: Island
[F.i •■ t.ii
VI BURIAL AND MOURNING CEREMONIES 233
When the painting was done, all the natives gathered
round the posts and began to dance, the mother of the
dead man, smeared all over with red ochre, talcing a
prominent part. When this preliminary dance was over,
the posts were lifted out of the ground and carried into
the scrub, where they were deposited for a time, about a
hundred yards from the grave. A large fire was lighted,
giving ofF great clouds of smoke, and, first of all, on
this occasion, two old men, who were tribal fathers of the
dead man, went into it so as to singe the hair off
their legs and arms. They must do this or else they
will be seriously ill. Then all the men ran round
and round in the smoke, after which they gathered
together and came on rushing towards the grave, yelling
and throwing sticks and spears ahead of them. The idea
of this was to drive the spirit, called mapuditti, into the
grave. The women and children ranged themselves
to one side, some of them wearing the curious armlets
made of stringy-bark with remarkable projecting
decorations, others carrying ornaments like great circular
discs, out of which, in most cases, the centres had been cut
(Plates VIII and IX). Each of them was made of bands
of pliable reed or cane, over which human hair string had
been wound. The string was coloured red, yellow, and
black, and often had masses of beeswax, into which were
stuck bright red Abrus berries, while tassels, ending in
knobs of wax, decorated again with Abrus seed, hung
down. The larger ones measured as much as fifteen
In the Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLIII, 1913,
Dr. Basedow has illustrated some of these posts. The designs in these
drawings are typical but the yellow and red colours are much too vivid,
more especially the yellow which is always of a somewhat dull ochreous
tint. A slight reference to these graves was made by Campbell,
Proc. R.G.S., 1826, p. 158. He describes them as being circular in
outline with upright poles.
234 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
inches in diameter. In general shape they are more
like great flattened-out quoits than anything else.
During the ceremony, and these armlets are apparently
only used in this connection, the women wear them on
their arms, for which in almost every case they are much
too big. They can only be kept in place by pressing the
arms against the side of the body and bending them at
the elbow in a very characteristic fashion (Fig. 52).
Some of them are large enough to go round a woman's
leg. The discs are held in the right hand, which is raised
up high when the women dance, during the ceremony.
After the men had come to the grave, they set to work
and cleared away all the grass that had grown on and
around the mound, and then dug holes for the posts
(Fig. 54). This over, they stood quietly to one side
while some of them went to where the posts had been
deposited and brought them in one by one. The number
of posts erected at any one ceremony varies to a large
extent ; there may be only one, or there may be several.
When they were all firmly fixed in the ground, the
men ranged themselves in a line close behind the grave,
the women and children standing to one side. The men
were decorated In various ways. Some of them had their
bodies covered with red, others with yellow ochre, some
with charcoal, others with lines of red and black or black
and yellow. The women during the ceremony on
Melville Island, which was concerned with a dead lubra,
had the upper halves of their bodies painted red and
the lower yellow, the leading one, a comparatively young
girl and sister of the dead woman, had. In addition, the
whole upper half of her face painted black. Two of the
older men looked especially fierce and weird. They had
very curly hair, almost frizzly, and had decorated
themselves with lines and bands of yellow, red, black, and
1^^
^I^^^^^^'(-^J^^^^^^K[^^7Hk^ D)QVr^
'^^^4#^
Fig. 52. WoMliN WKAKIXC AHMLliTS DURING MoURMXG CEREMONIES
ON Mei.vili.e Island.
Fig. 53. CJ-OsE OF the Mourning Dance. Men leaning on the Grave
I'osis. Batiiurst Island.
\Face page 234.
o
u
VI BURIAL AND MOURNING CEREMONIES 235
white, so as to cover not only the whole of their faces,
but their hair and beards as well. They were very
pleased with themselves and when, after the ceremony
was over, I took a rough sketch of one of their heads to
use as a colour key to a photograph, the other was most
anxious that I should do the same for him. They both
took themselves very seriously and evidently thought
that they had made a strong impression on us, which, as
a matter of fact, was quite true, because they looked
about as wild and fearsome as human beings well could.
The performance began with the father dancing round
and round the posts with his hands behind his back and
his head thrown well back. While he danced he sang : —
Piti wa mi
Ra du du re
Piti wa mi
Ra du du re
ending always with loud shouts of la! la! E! E! the last
very loud and prolonged. During the whole time of
dancing, the men, standing in a long line, were singing
and stamping furiously. The stamping is done in time to
a very characteristic action which consists in every
man striking his buttocks with the open palm of his
hand. They become very excited and, far away in
the bush, you can hear this peculiar striking sound,
because the time they keep is perfect. After a pause,
the father came on again, this time dancing right over the
grave, in and out amongst the posts. A third time
he came on, representing now a crocodile. He crouched
down, low on the ground, walking on hands and feet,
with his body fully extended. Every now and then he
lifted his head, peering about from side to side as if
he were looking about for his prey. This continued for
some time, his acting being very good indeed and
236 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
then, jumping to his feet, he was joined by two other
men, one covered from head to foot with yellow ochre,
the other with black, and then the three, with their hands
clasped behind their backs and their heads thrown
well back, rushed wildly round and round the grave.
After a time they slowed down and then, coming in from
one side, the women, led by a young girl, who was sister
of the dead woman, took the lead and, very solemnly,
danced round the posts. On Bathurst Island, during a
similar ceremony, the women stood to one side and,
at intervals, while the men were running round, they
passed across and back again on the side of the grave
opposite to that on which the men were standing. Every
woman wears a curious apron (Fig. 55). It is made out
of a more or less circular sheet of paper bark folded over
to form a semicircular one. The paper bark is very soft
and pliable and is always held in place by the elbows,
which the women press against their sides, in a very
characteristic way. It has not, apparently, struck them
that a string, run through the fold and tied round
the waist, would save them a good deal of trouble. Some
of the women held the quoit-like ornaments in one hand
which was lifted up, while the other kept the apron
in place. One or two of them carried a picaninny on their
shoulders, the little one hanging on to its mother's hair
as she pranced across from side to side. I have been
quite unable to find out what is the meaning of these discs
and armlets, but they are always carried during these
ceremonies and are, I believe, only used in connection
with them.
For a time, the father, who had been very greatly
exerting himself, joined the audience; he was nearly
played out and the two men, the black and the yellow,
took up the running, rushing round and round, pausing
[*y-a3!. r
VI BURIAL AND MOURNING CEREMONIES 237
every now and then to face the posts and yell Boo !
whrr! vohrrl wildly at them. Then they stopped
dancing and bent down, pointing at the grave in which
the spirit was supposed to be watching them. The
women formed into a procession and, with their
deliberate movement and peculiar high knee action,
danced round and round the audience of men who,
as usual, were keeping time, striking their buttocks,
stamping and singing. On Melville Island one man, but
on Bathurst Island, about a dozen men performed a
buffalo dance. They came out to one side of the grave,
on to a cleared space and there they imitated, wonderfully
well, the actions of the animals. Each man had his arms
lifted up and curved round to represent the long horns.
They rubbed themselves against the grave posts and
trees, just like the animal does ; browsed quietly about or
pawed the earth up, with their heads down, as if
they were angry. Finally, they all grouped themselves
together, ran to the grave and circled round and
round it. After a rest, the father came on again and,
after dancing round furiously, fell down flat on the
ground, beside the posts. Four other men came up with
short spears and, after peering about from side to side, in
a stealthy way, crept up quietly to where the old man was
supposed to be asleep and, suddenly, speared him through
the chest. He writhed about on the ground while all the
men and women danced round. This of course was'
supposed to represent the killing of a native by enemies
who had crept on him unawares, while he slept. Another
very weird dance was supposed to represent a fight. All
the men came to the side of the grave opposite to that on
which they had been standing. Then they began prancing
about in the most extraordinary fashion, men on the left
side would suddenly rush across sideways to the right and
238 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
vice versd. Every now and again a man would jump up into
the air as high as he could (Fig. 56). Even one of the
older men would spring from the ground until his loins
were on the level of the shoulders or sometimes the heads
of the men amongst whom he was standing. This over
they returned to their first position. After a short pause
the father, together with the men painted black and
yellow, respectively, danced round and round, gesticulating
wildly and yelling loudly, while time after time they
threw small spears into the side of the grave. Once
more the lubras joined in and then the yellow-ochred
man performed a prolonged dance with frenzied move-
ments, stamping and yelling and raising the dust, while he
pounded round and round, urged on by the yelling and
stamping of the excited natives who were keenly watching
him, until, thoroughly played out, he fell down on one
side of the grave. Even then the dance was taken up by
three others, two rushing round one way and one the
other. It was now late in the afternoon ; the sun was
low and the shafts of light that pierced the scrub threw
long shadows from the gum trees and Cycads on the
group of weird figures dancing wildly in the luminous
dust. It was in vain that I tried to secure some records
of the scene but, under the shade of the scrub and gum
trees and in the yellow light of a tropical evening,
my camera was useless.
The sun was setting, but on and on they danced. All
that we could make out of the singing were refrains such
as these,
Yu, Yu, la, We, Ya,
Wi, A, We, A ; A, We, A,
la, la, la, with a final prolonged E ! ! !
At length the performance came to an end. All the
men took part in a final wild dance round the grave, the
VI BURIAL AND MOURNING CEREMONIES 239
women moving slowly round and round on the outside
until, suddenly, the men bent down, yelled at the mound
with all their might, and ceased dancing (Fig. 53). For
a few minutes there was silence, the men gathered round
the grave-posts, leaned against them and over the mound,
and then, in single file, passed away through the darken-
ing forest.
At a later time, I saw the same ceremonies on Bathurst
Island and was able to use, more or less successfully, the
ordinary camera and the cinematograph, but, though
a considerably larger number of natives took part,
there was nothing quite so picturesque as the first
ceremony that I saw on Melville Island.
Apart from the short final scene, when they were
clearly supposed to be mourning, there was certainly not
the slightest indication of sorrow. Everyone was very
excited, but, between the dances, they laughed and talked
as if they were taking part in an ordinary corrobboree, and
it is evident that the whole cererhony is carried out with
the object of pleasing the spirit of the dead person and
also, at the same time, of intimating to it the fact that
they expect it to remain quiet and not trouble them.
In the Kakadu tribe, while I was working amongst the
natives at Oenpelli with Mr. Cahill, a woman named
Muranga died in the camp. Early in the morning
we went down to see what was happening. The camp
was under the shade of a Banyan tree and the body,
wrapped in paper bark, lay to one side, men, women, and
children sitting and standing around, looking very
solemn and only speaking, when they had to do so,
in whispers. The husband of the dead woman was
seated with her head on his knee, while her two sons, one
grown up called Wariut and the other a young man
named Mungortja, sat at her feet where, also, close by,
240 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
was the wife of her son Wariut, named Minborku. The
body had been wrapped In paper bark by the husband,
husband's brother, and eldest son, but not the younger
one, who was not allowed to touch it.
Two men, named Mitjeralak and Wudeirti, neither
of whom was closely related to the dead woman, lifted
it from the ground and carried it away on their shoulders
through the scrub while we all, men, women, and children,
followed in single file (Fig. 57). There is no obligation
for any special men to carry the body and, if it has to be
carried a long distance, any member of the local group
may take his share in the work. After walking about a
mile we came to a large rock by the side of which they
laid the body down. This spot had been selected by the
husband for the grave and, when we reached it, all the
women and children and most of the men retired to one
side and sat down. Three or four men set to work to
dig, but after some time they came down on to bed rock
and so a new grave had to be dug a yard or two away.
This time they were successful and a trench, about four
and a half feet long and two and a half wide and three
deep, was dug with the aid of sticks and hands. There
are no special individuals who are supposed to take part
in the digging, any grown man is allowed to help.
The grave itself is called Keramu.
When the exact site had been selected and before
digging actually began, the women and children were
summoned and came up, led by one of the older women
named Kumbainba. She carried in her hand a shell that
the natives commonly use for holding water or ochre, but,
on this occasion, it held a few small stones which she
jingled about as the women and children followed her in
single file round the grave. This walking round is
called Kulorbuto. As they walked round they sang the
I'ig- 57- Cakkyi.N(; the Konv, wkal'Ped in Taper Bark, to the Grave.
Kakadu Tribe.
Fig. 58. Placing Stones on the newlv-mahe Grave. Kakauu Tribe.
\_Face page 24J.
VI BURIAL AND MOURNING CEREMONIES 241
following words, which were supposed to be addressed
to the spirit of the dead woman : —
'Tjukororu, lie down ; koyada, don't, ngeinyimma, you,
workai, come back ; tjukororu, lie down ; kala, a word
meaning all right, just so, etc. ; bialilla, children ; unkore-
gora, see ; iwaiyu, spirit ; balera^ later on ; kutjeri, sick.
That is, " You lie down quietly, do not come back, lie
down all right — if the children see your spirit, later on
they will be sick."
When the grave was approaching completion, three
women, one of whom was the daughter-in-law, Minborku,
went into the scrub and gathered armfuls of grass stalks
and leafy twigs and, returning, placed them by the
grave. When the trench was ready the husband, her
two sons, and Minborku sat by the side of the body,
which was still wrapped in paper bark, and cut their
heads till the blood flowed down their faces on to their
bodies. Three of the husband's brothers, named Mirriu,
Mitjunga, and Kamerana, unwrapped the paper bark
from around the body. Kamerana went down into the
grave, arranged a thick layer of grass stalks and leaves,
and trampled them down. The body was laid on the
ground, face downwards, with the legs bent back at the
knees. Then it was placed in the grave, lying on its
right side, and a thick covering of grass stalks and leaves
was placed above it. After this the soil was piled over
it so as to form a small mound on which stones were
firmly placed to prevent the dingoes from burrowing
down in the loosened ground (Fig. 58). While this was
going on and after it was over, everyone wailed and cut
themselves freely — men and women alike — until the
blood flowed.
Some of the blood from the husband and his two
sons was collected in a small piece of the paper bark in
R
242 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
which the body had been wrapped and, folding the
remainder of the bark round the belongings of the
dead woman, such as dilly bags, mat on which she lay
and digging stick, which had been brought to the grave,
brought the parcel back to camp and placed it in the
Banyan tree close to the spot on which the woman
had died.
All men who take part in the burial ceremony and cut
their heads on the occasion, must, a little later on, take
part in what is called the Morlil ceremony. Not only is
this the case in regard to the particular camp to which
the dead person belonged, but, often in other camps,
when they hear of the death of any special person, they
will cut themselves and then, at a later time, will also
perform the Morlil. The ceremony is really divided into
two distinct parts. In the one that I saw, the woman
died on July ist; the first part of the Morlil was held
on July 4th, and the second part on July 22nd.
It is a very interesting one and is, in part at least, of
the nature of a purification ceremony. In connection
with the first part everyone in camp brings up all of his
or her possessions ; the women bring their mats (nini-
bura-bara), baskets {mangul), dilly bags (^quiappd), and
digging sticks {worbai) ; the men bring their spears, spear-
throwers and tomahawks, though now-a-days, even
amongst the Kakadu, the old stone axe is practically a
thing of the past. In the centre of the camping ground,
where the woman died, a circle of grass stalks was made
about eight feet in diameter. Around this, the dilly
bags and baskets of all the women in the camp were
hung on sticks, or on tree trunks, close by ; the men's
weapons were arranged on the ground. Within the
circle of stalks were placed, first the bundle of paper bark,
or ranken (Fig. 59), in which the dead woman had been
Fig- 59- Circle of Grass Stalks with Pater Kark i.\ Centre, in
WHICH THE Body of the Dead Woman had been Wrapped. Dilly
Bags, etc., hanging on Trees all round.
Fit;. 60. Water-pouring Ceke.mony. The Men .\ke .Standing in the
iliDDi.E OF the Circle of Grass Stalks, which have first been
SET ON P'ire. Kakadu Triee.
[Face pa^e 2
VI BURIAL AND MOURNING CEREMONIES 243
wrapped and carried to the grave, secondly, her
belongings, mat, dilly bags, digging stick, baskets, thirdly,
two or three palm-leaf baskets full of water, and, fourthly,
a similar basketful of charcoal that must be made from a
special pea-bush. The ordinary name for charcoal is
kunbeltji^ but that used during the ceremony is miornai.
First of all, on one side of the ground, a special fire
was made and the dilly bags of the eldest surviving
sister were placed close to it, so that the smoke from the
fire passed over and through them. The bags were thus
purified and could be used again to hold food. The
latter must not be placed in them, after the woman's
death, until such time as they have been thus smoked.
If this were not done and anyone should eat food
carried in them, the result would be serious illness and
very likely death to anyone who ate food that had been
carried in them. After this, the grass stalks were
lighted and the men who were to paint themselves went
inside the circle and, while the smoke curled round them,
they lifted up the baskets containing water and povfred
this over one another's heads (Fig. 60). At this par-
ticular ceremony the pouring of water was continued
even after the fire had burned down and only a ring
of ashes was left. The paper bark in which the body
had been wrapped and all the dead woman's belongings
were burnt in the fire, and afterwards the ashes were
completely and very carefully covered over. In the
case of a man his weapons are broken up and then burnt
in the same way.^ In most tribes all the belongings of a
dead person are the property of some special individual,
such as a mother's brother, but here they are all des-
troyed.
' The Kakadu have a word, ardi, which means the total personal
belongings of any individual.
R 2
244 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
After the water pouring is finished, the men take the
charcoal or miornai, and rub themselves all over with it
(Fig. 6i). No woman paints at this part of the ceremony,
but all the men must, or else the spirit of the dead
person would be angry and they would become ill. Only
black must be used. The women bring in numbers of
little cakes, called munduaii, made out of lily seeds.
These were eaten by the older men only, the Umulakiri,
or younger men, are not allowed to eat them.
The second part of the Morlil is concerned mainly
with the women. As before, everyone is supposed to
bring all of his belongings into camp. The women's are
placed on one spot, the men's on another, but nothing
is done with them, and after the ceremony everyone
simply takes away his own things. The description
given to us of the ceremony before it was enacted was
very brief but very accurate. It was as follows : Ngaia
(I), nunborgi (sorry), wariji (dead or underneath), ngaia
(I), warji (cry), murora (old woman), wunmali (mud),
gilfli widjeru (all over), korto (arm), kundama (bracelets),
ikiti okita (other or each side), geraiwin (young lubras),
bialilla (children), kutjeri (red ochre). This meant
that all were very sorry, that the older women would
paint themselves all over with yellow ochre or mud and
wear the special form of bracelet, called Kundama, on
both arms, and that the younger women and girls would
paint themselves with red ochre.
This was exactly what happened. The natives assem-
bled under the shade of a clump of trees, this time away
from the camp at which the death had taken place. The
women were grouped together in one spot, the older ones
coated with mud or yellow ochre. Each one wore two
or more of the heavy armlets called Kundama (Fig. 62).
These are made of a circlet of pliable cane twisted round
Fig. 6i. Mii.x I'aimim; themselves and Children with Nack. The
Smoke from the Grass Stalks is seen on the left. The Dilly Bags
are HANc.iNr; ON the Trees. Kakadu Tribe.
Fit;. 62. Women wearing Armlets cm.leu A'niidaiiia, during Mourning
Ceremony. Kakadu Tribe.
\Facc page 244.
VI BURIAL AND MOURNING CEREMONIES 245
with a coarse string made from the fibres of the bark of
the Banyan tree, the native name for which is Mukino-
borbu. They are never coloured or decorated in any
way, and, in this respect, differ markedly from the
elaborate mourning bracelets of the natives on Melville
and Bathurst Islands.
The women had brought in large supplies of lily-seed
cakes, which were eaten by the older men, who were
standing and sitting around. Nothing special was said
or done, but everyone was very quiet. Narriyut, the
eldest son of the dead woman, said to another man,
named Bandiki — who was his tribal brother, and hence
a tribal son of the dead woman — " Ngeinyimma (you),
niorki (white), kala (all right), ngeinyimma onje koiyu
(you another mother), ngaia miorni (I black), koiyu
widjeru (proper, or very, mother)." That is, Bandiki could
paint himself with white at this ceremony, but Narriyut
and his younger brother, being own sons of the dead
woman, continued to paint themselves in black. Another
man, named Romula, who had been absent from the
camp when the first ceremony was performed, also
painted himself black. The men who have previously
painted themselves black at the first ceremony are
supposed to paint themselves white at this ceremony,
except in the case of close blood relatives who, as above-
mentioned, will continue to use black. The latter is
practically the same as deep mourning, and the white
half mourning.
As amongst other tribes, when anyone dies their name
is not mentioned and they are referred to, if there be any
necessity for doing so, as " the old man " or " the old
woman." If anyone, by chance, should mention a name
they say, " monowei, koyada tjikaru narama " — " dead, do
not say his name " ; " ameina, mornda japul " — " why do
246 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
you do that ? It is bad talk." If a lubra mentions it,
any son or brother of the dead man may strike her. At
the first ceremony of Morlil, nothing but black may be
used, but at the second, some individuals paint them-
selves black, others white.
During the course of the ceremonies, and until the
period of mourning is over, certain relatives are called by
special ceremonial names : —
The sons of the dead person are called Numulaiju.
The brothers of the dead person are called Noudbukara.
The husband's brothers, or husband, are called Nun-
kudumuramuran.
The sisters of the dead person ars called Inudbukara.
The wife of the dead person is called Inkudumuramuran.
If, for example, anyone wishes to call out to Narriyut,
a son of the dead woman, to come and get food, instead
of saying, as he would under ordinary circumstances,
" Narriyut preya jamo," he says, " Numulaiju preya jamo."
The third of the mourning ceremonies in the Kakadu
tribe is known by the name of Kuderi and is carried
out after the first rain season succeeding the last Morlil
ceremony.
Everyone in camp brings aU his ardi — personal be-
longings — to the ceremonial ground. Once again,
everything belonging to the women is placed at one spot
and everything belonging to the men at another. The
women bring in supplies of sugar-bag, lily cakes, and
yams and these are placed on two or three mats. All
present sit down, wail, and work themselves up into
a state of great excitement, the old women hammering
themselves with sticks. The women also wear the
ceremonial armlets called Kundama. Everyone is painted
with red ochre and gradually they work themselves up
into a state of great excitement and anger. The men
VI BURIAL AND MOURNING CEREMONIES 247
ask each other " who stole his korno ? " That is, who
killed him by evil magic. The question is repeated time
after time. After this has gone on for some time the
women and children return to their camp, taking their
belongings with them. The men above the status of
Numulakiri, eat the food provided by the women. Their
spears, supposing there are a good number in camp, are
brought up and arranged in bundles on the ground,
in just the same way in which the grass stalks are at the
first Morlil ceremony, that is, they are roughly in the
form of a circle.
In some curious way this ceremony has become
associated with a system of barter. What is the con-
nection between the two it is difficult to understand,
and, of course, the natives have no idea of it. Each
man then states what he wishes to secure in return for
his weapons. Nothing more is done that day, but, next
morning, messengers start off carrying the spears to
a distant camp ; the Kakadu people send theirs to the
Umoriu people, for example. If there should happen
to be any men from this distant camp visiting the
Kakadu, they will carry the spears back with them to
their own country, but, otherwise, special messengers will
be sent. Arrived in the strange camp, where the meaning
of their coming is well understood, the spears are placed
on the ground in bundles, each one containing those
belonging to one individual, and the visitors are asked
what they want in exchange for them. There appears to
be a regular, well-recognised, tariff, and, if the bartering
takes place, the goods that are being exchanged for the
spears are placed opposite to their respective bundles.
When the business is over the men gather the different
articles together, return to the home camp, and distribute
what they have brought back amongst the owners of the
248 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
spears. In due time many of the articles will again be
bartered for spears. It is by means of this system that
the natives in one part of the country, who are especially
skilled in the making of one implement, such as spears,
receive others that they, perhaps, do not make themselves,
owing, it may be, to lack of suitable material.
In the case of a young child the mother carries the
bones about with her in a dilly bag. In Fig. 63 are
represented the total contents of the small bag repre-
sented in Plate XXIV., Fig. 4. I found it in possession of
a woman of the Kakadu tribe who was camped by the side
of a lagoon at Oenpelli near the East Alligator River.
The child was evidently very young, and some of the
skull bones, all of which were disarticulated, were
missing. The upper jaw was missing and all the facial
region. The lower jaw has the two median incisors, no
others have cut the jaw as yet. The two femora were
present, measuring four and a-half inches in length.
Two shoulder blades, humeri, radii, ulnas, tibias, and
fibulas are present, as well as a broken fragment of the
pelvis, parts of the vertical column, and eighteen
ribs.
A few locks of the child's hair were wrapped in a little
piece of cloth.
The other contents of the bag, which contained all the
woman's belongings except her digging stick and mat,
were (i) a small mass of her own hair which had been
cut off preparatory to being made into string, (2) two
pairs of fire sticks, (3) two kangaroo incisor teeth in wax,
(4) two loose kangaroo incisors, (5) a small lump of red
ochre, (6) a small stone, evidently used for pounding,
(7) a bone awl (.''), (8) one valve of a fresh-water mussel,
used for cutting and scraping.
Whether the flesh of the child had been eaten or not I
VI BURIAL AND MOURNING CEREMONIES 249
could not find out, but it is very probable that such was
the case. I did not know when securing the bag that
there were any bones inside it, and the woman parted
with it readily for half a stick of tobacco — without any
hesitancy.
In the Waduman tribe when a man dies the relatives,
called Kadujgo (fathers) and Kamomo (mother's brothers),
carry the body out into the bush and place it on a
platform of boughs built in a tree. This tree grave is
called Balbalba. As usual, all men and women in camp
are wailing, and those whose duty it is to do so are
cutting themselves. At a later period, when all the flesh
has disappeared from the bones {wune), the Kamomo men,
usually four in number, go to the tree, wrap the bones in
paper bark, and carry them to a special camp called
Laglauer, the usual name for a camp being Ludma. The
lubras, meanwhile, have been out in the bush collecting
food, which is brought in and placed in the middle of
the camp. The four Kamomo men place the parcel
of bones by the side of the food and retire a little to
one side, while all the others in camp sit round and
cry. After a short time they paint themselves, and
when this is over the women go to the food and hand
it to the men. Everyone on the ground eats some of
it. There are certain women who do not come to the
special Laglauer ground, but stay in their own camp ;
amongst these, in the case of a dead man, are the
Ingauiu (wives and brothers' wives) and Idukal (wives'
mothers). Nothing apparently is done to the bones,
which, after the usual crying has taken place, are taken
back to the tree and left there finally.
A curious feature associated with the mourning cere-
monies in the Waduman and also the Mudburra tribe,
which adjoins it, is that, after the death of any individual,
250 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
his totemic animal or plant may not be eaten until after
the performance of a little ceremony that takes place
three or four weeks after the final placing of the bones
in the tree grave. When this is performed one or two
old Kadugo (fathers, father's brothers) and Nababa
(father's fathers) go out into the bush and secure some of
the totemic animal or plant of the dead man. If he were
a flying fox man {gambin), for example, they capture some
flying foxes. The members of the tribe have, mean-
while, gathered together at the Laglauer camp, to which
also a supply of food has been brought by the women. A
fire is made in the centre of the camp and the men bring
the flying foxes in and place them on it. The Ingauiu
(wives and brothers' wives) come up to the fire and, after
calling out Yakail Yakail put their heads in the smoke
arising from the fire, while the foxes are being cooked.
An old Kadugo man hits them lightly on the head and
then holds out his hand for them to bite a finger, which
releases them from the ban of silence under which they
have been since the death. When this is over they go
back and sit amongst the other women. The same man
then gives the cooked foxes to the Kamomo (mother's
brothers), Pukali (mother's younger brothers' sons) and
Ijuga (sisters' sons) and tells them that they may eat It.
After this everyone is free to eat it and the yams, lily
cakes, and other food, brought in by the women, are eaten
by the men.
The dead man's belongings, collectively called kaning —
spears, spear-throwers, knives, etc. — become the property
of the Kamomo (mother's brothers), that is, they pass to
the mothers' side of the tribe.
When a child dies in the Larakia tribe, the mother
carries the bones about for a long time and then places
them in a hollow bough of a tree, so that wild dogs
VI BURIAL AND MOURNING CEREMONIES 251
cannot touch them. Later on the bones are buried in
the ground.
The bodies of men and women are first of all placed
on platforms in trees. These tree graves are called
maird-burrima. At a later time, when no flesh is left
on the bones, the latter are wrapped in paper bark and
buried in the ground. Stones are placed round the
grave. The stones are called lamilla, and the hole in
the ground kau-ukwa. The Larakia, however, are now,
and have been for many years, so hopelessly decadent that
it would be unsafe to depend upon information gained
during recent years with regard to their customs, except
in general outline.
In the Mungarai tribe the body of a dead person is
placed on a bough platform in a tree, this tree grave being
called nadiri. When only the bones are left the mother's
brothers (ngagung) and their sons {namminjerri) go to the
tree. First of all they take some of the long bones of the
arm and wrap them up in paper bark. These they give
to the mother, who keeps them for some time, perhaps
for four moons. She then hands the packet back to her
brother, who makes arrangements for the final Lurkun
(or Lurgun) ceremony. Lurkun is the name of the bough
coffin in which the bones are finally placed, and the same
name is given to the ceremony itself. The coffin is
simply a section of the bough of a gum tree that has been
hollowed out by white ants. It is prepared, and the bones
are placed inside it by the ngagung (mother's brother).
A special ceremonial ground, called Kalal, is made in
the form of a ring. Here the men, who have decorated
themselves, assemble, no lubra being allowed to come
anywhere near. This takes place late in the afternoon,
and two men are despatched to the lubras' camp to
procure food supplies that they have collected. The food
252 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
is distributed on the ceremonial ground, and then all the
men perform totemic ceremonies accompanied by the clang-
ing of boomerangs. The lurkun is decorated with a design
of the man's own totem ; for example, if he be a lizard man,
a lizard drawing will be made, and, also, the ceremonies
performed are those belonging to the totemic groups of
his own sub-class and the one associated with it. If the
dead man were a Ngaritjbellan, then the ceremonies will
be those associated with totemic groups of this and the
Ngapungari sub-classes.
A fire is lighted on the Kalal by a man of the same
totem as the dead man, and he also takes two sticks from
the fire and strokes the Lurkun with them. All the men
then rise to their feet and sing out To ! To ! To ! To I
After this the coffin is removed from the ground and
carried round by several men, who cry Ma yai ; Ma yai
ending with a final prolonged Srr ! This is late in
the evening, and the Lurkun is once more placed on
the ground, where it remains all night long, the
men sitting round it striking boomerangs incessantly.
In the early morning it is lifted up and placed on
the head of a namminjerri man, who carries it thus at
the head of a long procession of the men, walking
in single file, towards the lubras' camp. Everone cries
out. Oh ! Oh ! ss yai ! ss yai ! Oh ! Oh ! Sr yai ! and
each man holds a boomerang between his arms, behind
his back.
A hole has been made in the ground in the middle of
the lubras' camp, and the Lurkun is placed upright in this,
the men retiring to one side and sitting down, about fifty
yards away. The lubras weep and wail for some time
and then walk away, leaving the Lurkun in the hole, from
which it is taken by the namminjerri. This completes the
ceremony, and, when it is over, the Lurkun is placed in a
VI BURIAL AND MOURNING CEREMONIES 253
hole In the' rocks in some secluded spot, the locality of
which is known only to the older men.
As Mr. Gillen and myself have already described,^
eating the body of the dead is often practised amongst the
coastal tribes on the Gulf of Carpentaria. As can be
imagined, it is a subject on which the natives are very
reticent ; in fact, unless you know them fairly well, they
wiU, when questioned on the matter, either know nothing
whatever about it or deny the existence of the practice in
their own tribe, whilst admitting, at the same time, that
it does exist amongst others.
The following is an outline of what takes place in the
Mara tribe, and my informant, a Mara man, who had
considerable knowledge of other tribes, said that the
same custom was practised also in the Yungman,
Nullakun, Mungari, Kallaua, Binbinga, and Willingura
tribes.
If a young man or woman, in fact any except the really
old, dies, the body is first of all wrapped in paper bark
by a namminjerri man and is left thus until the morning,
when a big fire is made in a hole in the ground, and
stones are heated on it. The hair is first of all cut off and
burnt, none of it being kept. Paper bark is put on the
stones, then the body and then another layer of bark, and
the hole filled in. The cooking is always done out in the
bush, far away from the main camp. All the prepara-
tions must be made by the namminjerri men, and while
they are in progress the other men sit round and watch.
The lubras, though not rar away, are not allowed actually
to see, though they know, what is being done. When the
body is sufficiently cooked, the namminjerri take it out
and place it on fresh sheets of bark. It is then cut up by
the same men (mother's brothers' sons.)
' Northern Tribes of Central Australia, p. 546.
254 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Everything is regulated by custom thus : —
A Mumbali is eaten by Kuial and Murungun men and
women.
A Kuial is eaten by Mumbali and Purdal men and
women.
A Murungun is eaten by Mumbali and Purdal men
and women.
A Purdal is eaten by Kuial and Murungun men and
women.
If, for example, a Mumbali dies, a Kuial man (who is a
mother's brother of the dead person) tells the Kuial and
Murungun women to go to the cooking ground.
My informant told me that everything, including the
intestines, was eaten, and it is evident that the practice
does not appear to them to be In the least degree revolt-
ing. I have never come across any tribe in which
cannibalism pure and simple, that is, killing human beings
for the purpose of eating them, is practised, but amongst
the above-mentioned and doubtless many other northern
tribes, almost every individual, whether death be the
result of natural causes or due to violence, is eaten.
When the feast, which the participants certainly enjoy,
is over, the bones are carefully collected, wrapped in
paper bark, and placed on a tree platform called kalla-
kalla} If, for example, a Mumbali man dies, then
Murungun men actually put them on the platform, while
Kuial or Purdal men, his mother's brothers, stand below.
As soon as anyone dies, the camps are immediately
shifted, because the spirit, of whom they are frightened,
haunts its old camping ground. The spirit part of a
living man is called Jalkarra, and of a dead man padinia.
For a long time after death the padinia roams about
' In the Nullakun tribe this is called Mungalla, and in the AUaua
Allagalla.
VI BURIAL AND MOURNING CEREMONIES 255
watching whether the mourning ceremonies are properly
carried out. When all has been done properly, then it
goes back to what is called its Waidba, that is, its original
home in the far past times.
The bones are left in the tree for some time, but after
perhaps three or four months the father of the dead
person says to the men who placed the bones on the plat-
form, "You go and see, the bones are all clean now."
The two Murungun men, if the bones be those of a
Mumbali, climb up, open the paper bark parcel, and rake
the bones out on to sheets of bark on the ground where
the Kuial or Purdal men are standing. All the bones are
pulled apart, the skull is smashed into fragments, and
everything is buried except the long bones of the arms.
Then all the men in camp come up and the tree is burnt.
The arm-bones are wrapped in bark, and are carried by
the namminjerri men to where the lubras are sitting
down wailing, and are handed over to the mother, who
sits with them across her legs. The wailing is kept up
all night long. Next day the women grind up lily seeds
and make a large cake with them. The mother's brother
secures sugar-bag and, late on in the afternoon, the men
and women sit down together, the men having meanwhile
painted themselves. Food is distributed, and the women
continue wailing. After this the mother may keep the
bones for as long as two or three years.
The ngagung (mother's brother) decides when to hold
the final ceremony. He takes the bones from the
mother and carries the parcel to the men's camp, where
the namminjerri have made ready a log coffin decorated
with a design of the man's totem. All the day is
occupied with singing and decorating. At sundown the
father and mother's brother go to the lubra's camp and
carry back to the ceremonial ground the supply of lily
2s6 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA ch. vi
roots and cakes that the lubras have prepared, and then,
after the men have eaten, the ceremonies begin.
The coffin, or Lurkun, both ends of which are closed
with paper bark, is placed upright in the ground. The
father comes up with two firesticks, one in each hand,
and rubs the coffin all round. Then everyone dances
and yells. To ! To ! To ! While they dance they all
carry firesticks, lifting their hands up and down. One
after the other the men all rub the coffin. Some sit
down, but others go on dancing for a long time. Finally,
they all sit down and singing continues all night. At sun-
rise they get up and, with the namminjerri carrying the
coffin in the lead, they walk in single file to a camp made
by the lubras. This camp is roughly circular in outline,
and has a raised margin with an opening left at one place,
through which the procession passes. A hole has been
dug in the centre, and close by this sit the mothers
and sisters of the dead man, the other lubras being
arranged in a circle round them. The namminjerri comes
up to the hole, places the Lurkun upright in it, and then
the men file out and sit down about fifty yards away.
The men take away and eat the cakes of lily seed that
the women have made during the night. The lubras,
after weeping and wailing for some time, rise to their
feet and leave the Lurkun, which is never actually touched
by them. After they have gone right away, the
namminjerri once more takes the Lurkun, and the men
return to their own camp. The coffin is hidden ;
sometimes it is placed by the namminjerri in a hole in the
rocks on the hillside ; at others it is placed in the boughs
of a tree, overhanging some lily pool, until such time as
it is washed away by a flood.
CHAPTER VII
MAGIC AND MEDICINE
Kakadu tribe. — Tjilaiyu ceremony. — Evil magic by means of
burning korno or excrement. — Capturing the yalmuru of the
victim. — Evil magic by means of securing a fragment of the
victim's food. — Eating pounded ant-hill as cure for disease. —
Evil magic by means of mud scraped from the victim's foot. —
Magic ceremony to strengthen a boy.
In the Kakadu tribe there is a very curious form of
magic, the ceremony connected with which is called
'Tjilaiyu. It is concerned with injuring a person by
means of dealing in a very special way with some of his
excrement or korno. Because of this, everyone is most
careful to cover over and hide from view all excrementa,
one result of which is that Kakadu camps are more cleanly
than those of many other tribes. It is not, however, a
difficult matter for a man who wishes to injure an enemy
to secure some korno. A medicine man, for example,
will find out where it is buried and then, when no one is
watching, he will go to the place and rake a little into a
piece of bark with a stick, because it must not be touched.
There are always at least three men who take part in the
ceremony. The man who has secured the korno hands
it, in the bark, to one of the others, who ties it round
with string. It is then taken away from the camp out
2s8 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
into the bush to a quiet spot where no one is likely to
come. The performers have previously provided them-
selves with a supply of wax, both beeswax and a kind of
resin, called kapei, derived from the root of the iron-wood
tree. They make five little spherical balls, one of kapei
and four of beeswax. The first named is about three
inches in diameter, the others one inch. These are called
jungana. They are all hollow, or, rather, each has a hole
pressed into it by the thumb. A pit is dug in the ground
about two feet in diameter. It is called narul^ and is
just the same as the one made for an ordinary earth oven
or peindi. A fire is lighted in it and this must be made
on the spot by rubbing one stick on another. The red-
hot tinder must also be wafted about on paper bark until
it bursts into a blaze ; it must not be blown by the
mouth. The fire itself, when once it has been lighted,
must be fanned by a lubra holding a norkun, or goose
wing, in her left hand. The stones are then placed on
the fire. Before this, however, the korno has been finely
ground up and put in the wax spheres, which are then
closed over and placed to one side of the hole. A shallow
trench called ye-eini is made, about twelve feet long, with
the soil heaped up on each side. It is broadest at the
end where the pit has been dug and tapers away to the
other end. The performers squat down at one side of
the fire, the men in a line, one behind the other, the
woman slightly to one side (Fig. 64). The general
arrangement can be seen in Plate XI.
When the fire is hot enough the real performance
begins. The men bend forwards, each of them with his
hands between his legs, the woman does the same because
the spirit must not, on any account, see their private
parts. If it were to do so they would swell enormously.
The stones are removed from the fire and, first of all,
ije-eini
Plate XI.
A represents the woman who must always be present to fan the fire.
B, C, D, E, the men.
1 . The kapei sphere.
2. Sphere of wax made from the sugar-bag called Mormo.
3. Wax sphere made from Murkailpu sugar-bag.
4. Wax sphere made from TjaillDa sugar-bag.
5. Wax sphere made from Tjinangu sugar-bag.
6. Feather of Jimeribunna (native companion).
7. Feather of Kaleiyu (yellow-crested, white cockatoo).
8. Feather of Mim-wel-uda-uda (Blue Mountain parakeet).
9. Yalmuru ; a stick supposed to represent the Yalmuru or spirit
of the victim.
10. Pandanus (screw pine) leaves, supposed to represent snakes.
[Face fage 259.
VII MAGIC AND MEDICINE 259
the feathers are knocked into the latter, one by one, the
natives saying " keep quiet, keep quiet," the idea being
that the birds they represent will thereby be persuaded
not to give notice to the victim that any danger such as
a snake or crocodile threatens him. Then the men sway
about, looking as fierce as they possibly can, while they
place the wax spheres in the piendi, the kapei below the
smaller ones. Away in the distance they can hear the
spirit cursing and swearing, saying mulyarinyu koiyu ^ and
using other opprobrious expressions. The men say nerk,
nerk, nerk, and beckon it onwards. It is under a spell and
comes on cursing more and more loudly. When it is
near, the natives crouch down silently, the front man
ready for action. On it comes like a whirlwind,
rushes along the trench, scraping against the sharp
Pandanus leaves. Suddenly, when it reaches the brink of
the peindi, the front man knocks the stick representing it
into the fire on the top of the korno. All of them shout.
Ah, Ah, Ah; Ach, Ach, Bmg, Bmg ! at the top of their
voices. Without a moment's pause, stones and earth are
piled on the Yalmuru, one special large stone being
placed on top, the men pressing down hard with all their
might to keep it in. The spirit underneath can be heard
sizzling and swearing (Fig. 6^). It tries to lift the stone
but cannot. At length it is heard to say Grr, Grr,
u-u. Then it is quiet and all is over. The Pandanus
leaves are rubbed against the top stone, while the names
of different snakes, Ngabadaua, Yidaburabara and Num-
beranerji, are hissed out. One or other of them are
supposed to be sure to bite the victim before long.
Finally a log of wood that is supposed to represent a
' This is one of various opprobrious epithets and expressions used by
men when angry and excited. This particular one consists in cursing
their mother ; others are still more opprobrious and objectionable. Such
expressions are met with in all the tribes.
S 2
26o NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
crocodile, which it is hoped will seize him some day when
he is bathing, is placed on top and then, when the per-
formers have smeared their bodies over with burnt cork-
wood and grass, the ceremony is at an end, and they go
back to camp. Anyone coming across the remains of the
trench, and seeing the stones and log piled up above the
small mound, knows that evil magic has been performed.
It is supposed that, by the capture of the Yalmuru, the
man is left without his protector. If, for example, he be
out in the bush, there will be no spirit to warn him of
approaching danger, or guide him to where he can secure
his food.
Another form of practising evil magic amongst the
Kakadu consists in a man who desires to injure an enemy
securing some fragment of food that the latter has
been eating. First of all he ties it up in paper bark
and takes it away, unknown to anyone else, to his
own camp where he pounds it up and sings over it,
thereby projecting evil magic into it. Then he ties it up
again and takes it to an ant hill, at the base of which he
makes a small hole, pushes the food inside, and closes the
hole so that it cannot be 'seen. This form of magic
is supposed to be very effective and to act rapidly.
Within three days the man becomes very hot, continually
cries out for water and soon dies.
It is curious to note that, conversely, pounded ant hill,
called Mupulangu, is eaten as a cure for certain diseases
such as fevers. While, one day, we were in the Kakadu
camp, we came across a woman named Minborku, who
was in the act of eating some. She was evidentiy
suffering from a mild attack of malarial fever and had
perfect faith in the efficacy of the remedy.
Still another form of evil magic is associated with
the mud that attaches itself to the foot of a native
VII MAGIC AND MEDICINE 261
walking through a swamp. When he comes on to
dry ground he naturally scrapes the mud off, generally
using something such as a piece of paper bark to do so.
If another man, who wishes to injure him, comes across his
tracks, he gathers up some of the mud or paper bark
to which it is attached. He wraps it in some more
paper bark and ties it round with string. In his camp,
when it is quite dry, he pounds it up until he can roll it
into a ball and then, as in the previous case, places it
in a hole that he makes in the base of an ant hill.
By and by the victim's foot breaks out into sores which
gradually spread all over it. The toes drop off, and the
hands and feet decay. No medicine man can do anything
to counteract this form of magic. It is a disease which is
every now and then met with amongst the Kakadu
natives and is, superficially at least, suggestive of leprosy.
There was, at the time of my visit, one woman in
the camp who was suffering from it, and Mr. Cahill
told me that he had seen many cases.
In the Kakadu tribe there is also a magical
ceremony, the object of which is to strengthen a boy who
happens to be weakly and undergrown. His father,
father's brother, or his elder brother, secures a little
of the korno or excrement of some strong man. The
performers, who always include the boy and his father
and a young mature woman who has not as yet borne
a child, go to some quiet spot in the scrub where they
are well out of sight of the camp. Here a fire is lighted
in a hole dug in the ground. This fire must be made on
the spot by means of Ingomu or drilling fire-sticks. The
korno is finely pounded up and placed in a little sphere of
kapei^ that is, resin derived from the root of the Iron-
wood tree. Enclosed in the wax the korno is then placed
on the fire. The fire while being made must be fanned
262 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA ch.vii
by a norkun or goosewing held by the woman in her
left hand. The boy sits down close behind his father,
whom he clasps round the waist, looking over his father's
shoulder at the fire. The woman sits to one side. The
fire is covered over while the korno is burnt and the
father hits the boy with a little bundle of paper bark,
called Tailla, saying as he does so,' Phu, Phu, Jereini
kumerawardua ; then he rubs his son, saying as he does
so, Ngoornberi kumerawardua, after which he strikes him
on the shoulder, saying, Phu, phu, umberahadua jereini,
grow tall man ; finally, he hits him very hard, saying,
fierda nugorto, strong arm ; balera yinyimma jereini fierda,
by and by you strong man. When all is over the burnt
korno is taken out, and together with the norkun is
placed, as the natives say, Iwaji jiboulu, that is, inside a
hollow tree and left there. The man whose korno has
been used is supposed to part with his strength to
the boy and to die.
CHAPTER VIII
BELIEFS IN REGARD TO THE ORIGIN OF CHILDREN
Belief in reincarnation and spirit children entering women
prevalent over great part of Australia. — Distribution of this
belief. — Arunta belief. — Port Essington tribe. — Mungarai
tribe. — Traditions of ancestors. — Spirit children in trees,
etc. — They only enter the eight lubras. — Yungman tribe. —
Nullakun tribe. — Sexes changing at successive reincarna-
tions.— Waduman and Mudburra tribes. — Tradition of
Idakulgwan, Imumdadul, and Ibangalma. — Distribution by
them of spirit children. — Kakadu beliefs.— Yalmura and
Iwaiyu. — Spirit entering animal or plant in form of a small
frog. — That animal or plant becomes its totem. Spirit child
entering the mother. — Account given by Ungara, a Kakadu
native. — The old Yalmuru disappears and the Iwaiyu becomes
the new Yalmuru.
One of the most striking features of the native tribes in
Central and Northern Australia, whose customs were
investigated by the late Mr. Gillen and myself, is their
universal belief that children enter women in the form of
minute spirits, the representatives of formerly existing
men and women, who are thus reincarnated. This belief
in reincarnation, and in procreation not being actually the
result of sexual intercourse, has now been shown to be
prevalent over the whole of the Central and Northern
part of the continent — that is, over an area four and a
half times the size of Great Britain — amongst many
Queensland tribes and in a large part of West Australia.
263
264 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
It is now too late to secure reliable information, in regard
to matters such as this, from any part of Australia where
the natives have been at all closely in contact with whites,
but, though the belief was first described in connection
with the Arunta tribe, it has now been shown to be
widely prevalent over the continent, and I have little
doubt but that at one time it was universally held
amongst Australian tribes. From my own personal
experience 1 know that it is, or was, held by the
Urabunna tribe inhabiting the country on the West and
North-west of Lake Eyre ; by the Arunta that extends
to the north of the Urabunna up to and beyond the
Macdonnell Ranges ; by the Kaitish and Unmatjera
tribes whose territory extends beyond Barrow Creek ;
by the Warramunga tribe inhabiting country northwards
to and beyond Tennant's Creek ; by the large Worgai
tribe out to the east of the latter, towards the Queens-
land border ; by the Tjingilli tribe, whose country
centres in Powell Creek ; by the Umbaia, Nganji,
Binbinga, Mara, Anula, Mungarai, NuUakun, and other
tribes extending eastwards from the telegraph line to the
Gulf of Carpentaria and occupying the vast area drained
by the Roper, Macarthur, Limmen, Wickham, and other
rivers ; by the Djauan and Yungman tribes, north of
the Tjingilli ; by the Waduman, Mudburra and other
tribes along the Victoria and Daly rivers running west-
wards ; by the Kakadu, Iwaidja, and allied tribes inhabiting
the northern littoral, and by the natives on Bathurst and
Melville Islands.
The traditions in regard to their ancestors in all these
tribes are very explicit. Amongst the Arunta, for
example, there were certain great men and women,
leaders of the various groups in the far past times, called
Alcheringa, who had definite names. They carried
VIII BELIEFS IN REGARD TO ORIGIN OF CHILDREN 265
with them numbers of spirit children who were deposited
in certain places and it is these who now enter women
and are born in the form of human beings, as well, of
course, as the spirits of the great leaders themselves.
My late colleague, Mr. Gillen, was supposed to be the
reincarnation of one of them named Urangara. The
Arunta believe that when any individual dies his spirit
part goes back, to his old camping place in the Alcheringa,
inhabiting some special rock, or tree which is spoken of as
its Nanja. Here it remains until it chooses to enter a
woman and undergoes reincarnation. All these spirits
are called Iruntarinia. Previously to the first reincar-
nation, however, a second spirit, which is the double of
the Iruntarinia, emerges from the Nanja, and is called an
Arumburinga. When the former is reincarnated the
latter inhabits the Nanja but it may, if it chooses, visit its
human representative unseen, as a general rule, by the
latter, though there are certain gifted beings, such,
especially, as very able medicine men, who can actually
see and converse with the Arumburingas. Sometimes,
when a man is out in the bush, he will suddenly
experience a curious sensation and find that he is on the
point of treading on a snake, which shows him clearly
that his Arumburinga has warned him of the danger.
The Arumburinga is, as it were, everlasting, while the
Iruntarinia sometimes inhabits its Nanja and sometimes
undergoes reincarnation. It is not supposed to be born
again until such time as the bones of its last human body
have crumbled away. It may, of course, exist, but
amongst the Warramunga and many other tribes, though
we studied them carefully we did not come across any
belief equivalent to that of the Arumburinga in the
Arunta, though they have just the same belief in
reincarnation.
266 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
In the far north of the continent, the Larakia and
Worgait natives in the vicinity of Darwin have been for
so long in contact with white men that it would be
useless to seek information from them on points such as
these, and I did not have the opportunity of coming in
contact with less civilised members of these tribes.
The Port Essington natives believe that, at first, there
were no real human beings, but only alligators, sharks,
turtles, cockatoos, etc., and that the present men and
women are descendants of these. They also believe that
the spirit child goes inside the women at a spot which is
frequented by such children and that natives who die are
born again at a later period.
In the Mungarai tribe, in which I had more oppor-
tunity of inquiry, the beliefs are very definite. The far
past time — the equivalent of the Alcheringa in the
Arunta tribe — is called Kurnallan. During this time the
old ancestors walked about. Each one had his original
home, called Burnamandu. As in the case of the snake
Uruanda,^ they made the country with all its natural
features as they walked along. Wherever they stopped
they performed ceremonies, and, when doing so, shook
themselves,^ with the result that spirit children, called
Mall-mall, who, of course, belonged to the totem (nama-
ragua) of the ancestor, emanated from their bodies.
These spirit children now go into the right lubras, and
are born as natives. Close to what is now McMinn's
' An account of his wanderings is given in the chapter deahng with
Traditions of Ancestors.
^ This shaking of the body is a very characteristic feature in the
totemic ceremonies of many tribes. It was very much in evidence
amongst the Warramunga, who decorate themselves profusely with down
when performing the sacred ceremonies during which they are supposed
to simulate the old ancestors. When they thus shake themselves, little
bits of down tumble off just as the spirits used, originally, to emanate
from him when he shook himself
VIII BELIEFS IN REGARD TO ORIGIN OF CHILDREN 267
bar, on the Roper River, there is a large gum tree full of
spirit children, all of them belonging to one of the totems
associated with the Nakomara sub-class, and always, so my
native informant told me, on the look-out for the right
lubra. Again, at Crescent Lagoon, the old ancestor
Namaran, the thunder man, deposited numbers of spirit
children, and, if a Ngaritjbellan woman dips her toes in
the water, one at once passes into her up her leg, or, if
she stoops and drinks, goes down into her through her
mouth. The spirit of a dead person, called Anora^ goes
back to his old home (^Burnamandu), and sooner or later
is born again, and in this tribe the sexes are supposed to
alternate at each successive incarnation.
In the Yungman tribe there is precisely the same
belief in regard to the origin of children as in the
Mungarai. For example, a Nanung, or sugar-bag (honey-
comb) man arose at Opobinga, near the old Elsey Station.
Here he is reported to have stayed without wandering
about. He had numbers of spirit children, who now
inhabit the trees and stones near his old camp, and out of
these they come and enter the right lubras. He had, also,
many bull-roarers, which the Yungman people call
Purdagiair. In the Yungman, as in the Mungarai tribe,
the sexes are supposed to alternate at each successive re-
incarnation.
In the Nullakun tribe the old times, during which
the ancestors walked about the country, are called
Musmus, and each of them has his place of origin, called
Kundungini. Like one of them, a rainbow man, called
Kulakulungini, each of them is supposed to have had
numbers of spirit children who emanated from them
when they shook their bodies during the performance
of corrobborees. It is these who are now constantly
entering lubras, and being born. After death the spirit
268 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
of the dead person, called Marit/i, goes back to its old
home, Kundungini, where it remains until it is born
again. At each successive reincarnation the sex changes,
The beliefs of the Mara tribe are fundamentally
identical with those of the Mungarai and NuUakun
tribes. The old times are called 'Djtdjan ; each ancestor
had his ancestral home, called Wailba, and, as he
wandered over the country, he made the natural features
and left spirit children behind him, who are continually
entering the right women. After death the spirit, which
is called Padinia, goes back again to its Wailba until such
time as it undergoes reincarnation. At each successive
reincarnation, also, the sex changes.
In the Waduman and Mudburra tribes, inhabiting the
country between the Daly and Victoria Rivers, they have
the same idea of spirit children, whom they call Ngaidjan,
existing in the form of little frogs. The Waduman
believe that, in the far past times that they call Jabulunga,
there were two old men named Idakulgwan and
Imumdadul. They were brothers, and came from the
north-east. As they travelled along they met an old
woman named Ibangalma, or Tjoral, who came from the
salt water country. She had no black-fellow, and her
totem {Gwaian) was Eramerlgo, or sugar-bag. As they
came along, the two men made country, creeks, yams,
kangaroos, snakes, sugar-bags and many other things that
the natives now feed on. They also carried with them
plenty of Ngaidjan, or spirit children, and gave some of
them to the old woman Ibangalma, telling her to take
them away to other parts of the country and leave them
there. They said, Ta moinja lata lungin, Ngaidjan anoadja
tjumba angebir, which means. You go away to another
country, where you stop leave Ngaidjan behind. She did
so, and the natives say that, when leaving them behind.
viii BELIEFS IN REGARD TO ORIGIN OF CHILDREN 269
she gave them their totems. They grew up and were the
first black-fellows, men and women. When they died
their spirits became Ngaidjan, entered lubras, and were
born again. Each Ngaidjan knows which is the right lubra
to enter, and will not go into a wrong one. Each Ngaidjan,
also, has one special place, called Poaridju, the equivalent
of the Nanja of the Arunta, which is its normal stopping
place, though, of course, if it chooses to do so, it can
move freely about the country. Before going into a lubra
each Ngaidjan enters, and stays for a time, in its mother's
totemic animal or plant. If the mother be Eramerlgo, or
sugar-bag, then it goes into this, if a yam then into a yam,
and so on. Sometimes a woman, when digging for yams,
hits one with her stick, and may hear the baby Ngaidjan
crying out, or, if she hits a goanna, she may hear the
child speaking inside it.
Ibangalma finally went to a place now called Hayward
Creek, and, later on, the two brothers Idakulgwan and
Imumdadul came up and stopped there. Tradition
relates that Idakulgwan married Ibangalma, and that they
had a great many children. First of all they had a boy
named Giblongwa, then another named Widba, and a
third called Ijubulma. Each of these three has been re-
incarnated and is now alive. The two old people lived a
long time as, respectively, Maluka and Muluru. Their
Ngaidjan have undergone reincarnation, but are not, at
present, represented in the tribe. The two old men
Idakulgwan and Imumdadul remained at Hayward Creek,
where they are now represented by two stones, whilst
another, at the head of the Flora Creek, represents
Ibangalma. It appears as if a generation, at least, is
allowed to elapse between any two successive reincarna-
tions. One of our informants, for example, called
Alwairi, was the reincarnation of a brother of his baba.
270 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
that Is, his father's father. Alwairi's young daughter,
named Maidjangba, is the reincarnation of a woman of
the same name who was her mother's mother.
In the Arunta and other Central tribes it is only, re-
latively, a few members of the tribe who actually bear the
names of old ancestors, but In these more northern coastal
tribes there is a constant succession of the names, and
every individual, without exception, is the reincarnation of
some special ancestor.
I was much interested in finding amongst the Kakadu
and allied tribes not only a very firm and most definitely
expressed belief In the reincarnation of ancestors and in
the absence of any necessary relation between sexual con-
nection and procreation, but also a curious parallel to the
Arunta idea of Iruntarlnia and Arumburinga.
As described In connection with the legend associated
with Imberombera, the Kakadu believe that the whole
country was originally peopled with individuals and spirit
children who are now continually undergoing reincarna-
tion. What we may call the original spirit, the equivalent
of the Iruntarlnia amongst the Arunta, is called Yalmuru.
If we take the case of any one individual the belief Is as
follows. When a man, and the same, precisely, is true
of women and children, dies, the Yalmuru, that Is the
spirit part, after the final burial and mourning ceremonies
are complete, keeps watch over the henogra, or bones.
After a time the Yalmuru, as it were, divides into two,
so that we have the original Yalmuru and a second spirit
called Iwaiyu. The two are distinct and have somewhat
the same relationship to one another as a man and his
shadow, which. In the native mind, are very intimately
associated. For a long time they remain together but, when
the Yalmuru desires to undergo reincarnation, the two
leave the benogra or bones, which are always some distance
VIII BELIEFS IN REGARD TO ORIGIN OF CHILDREN 271
out in the scrub — often miles away from a camp. They
go forth together, the Iwaiyu in the lead, the Yalmuru
behind. Out in the bush they find the natives, who of
course cannot see them, hunting for food. The Yalmuru
takes the Iwaiyu and puts it, in the form of a small frog
called Purnamunemo, which lives under the sheathes of
the leaves of the screw-pine or Pandanus, into some
food such as fish or " sugar-bag " that the man is search-
ing for. If, for example, it be fish, the Yalmuru goes
into the water and drives them into the man's chipoiyu or
fishing net, if it be mormo or " sugar-bag," he guides him
to the tree in which the bees have made their hive. In
either case, as soon as the man has secured the fish or
mormo, out jumps the frog, unseen of course by the men.
It is caught by the Yalmuru and, together, the two spirits
return to their camping place. The food in which the
Iwaiyu was placed will be the child's totem. The latter
is thus always selected by the Yalmuru and may change
from one reincarnation to another. As we have seen, when
dealing with the totems, it often does. Sometimes, when
an animal, such as a crocodile or fish, contains for a time
the Iwaiyu and the animal is speared, then the Bialila, or
child to which the Iwaiyu subsequently gives rise, bears
the mark of the spear wound.
The natives return to their camp with the food that
they have secured, quite unconscious of the fact that the
Yalmuru and Iwaiyu have been out in the bush. At
night time the two latter come back again to the camp and
watch the men and women. The Iwaiyu is again in the
form of a little frog. When all are asleep, the two come
up to the camp and enter the mia-mia where the man
and his wife are sleeping. The Iwaiyu goes up and
smells the man ; if he be not a " right " father he says,
ngari koyada, which means, not this one. He tries
272 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
another one, finds him right and says, ngari papa, this one
is my father. Then he goes and smells the latter's lubra.
The Iwaiyu gets into her hair, then feels her breasts and
says, korngo ngari koiyu, these are my mother's breasts ;
ngai keiyu, this is my mother. Then he comes down and
goes into the woman. The Yalmuru returns to the old
camp. Every now and then he comes and looks at the
woman, but does not speak. When it is evident that the
woman is going to have a child, the Yalmuru comes up
to the camp at night time and tells the father that the
child is there and what its name is and also its totem.
He tells the father that he must not give it any other
name except the one that he mentions, because that is the
child within his wife.
Ungara, a Kakadu native, told us exactly what happened
in his own case. When his father's brother died his
benogra, or bones, were left for some time in a tree, not
very far from the camp at which he died, but, later on,
they were carried more than twenty miles away and placed
in a Banyan tree overhanging a water pool. Ungara, who
had his wife Obaiya and one child with him, was once
camped near this place. He threw his chipoiyu, or net,
into the water and left it there for some little time.
Then he gathered long grass stalks and went into the
water to drive the fish into the net. He did not know that
the Yalmuru had already done this, and that the Iwaiyu
was in one of the fishes. The net was so heavy that he
called out to Obaiya to come and help him lift it out on
to the bank. While they were doing this the Iwaiyu
jumped out and was caught by the Yalmuru and then
they both went back to the bones. Ungara and his wife
Obaiya took the fish out and carried them to their camp
in dilly bags. There were a good many other natives
camped about. That night, while they were sleeping,
VIII BELIEFS IN REGARD TO ORIGIN OF CHILDREN 273
the Yalmuru and Iwaiyu came into the camp and, after
examining the man and woman, as previously described,
the Iwaiyu went into Obaiya. While telling us this Ungara
mimicked exactly the actions of the Iwaiyu going first
to the father then to the mother. Later on the Yalmuru
came one night and whispered as follows in Ungara's ear ;
chipoiyu nanjil yapo araji, the fish went inside your net ;
jibul widjeru, it was full up ; mukara bialilla ngeinyimma,
your child was there ; hrau Monmuna murakamora narama,
give it the name Monmuna murakamora ; jereipunga
kunbaritja, its totem is kunbaritja (a small fish) ; balera
koregora onje narama koyada, by and by do not look
out another name ; Monmuna murakamora ngeinyimma
ingordua bialilla araji, Monmuna murakamora is the child
inside your lubra.
When the child is young the Yalmuru watches over
it. If it strays away from camp and gets lost in the
bush, the Yalmuru guides it back and, later on, when the
child has grown into a man, the Yalmuru still helps it, in
fact a good deal depends on the Yalmuru because, if it be
not vigilant, some other hostile one may work evil magic
against the individual associated with the Yalmuru's
Iwaiyu. Finally, when the individual grows really old,
the Yalmuru comes some night and whispers in his ear,
Iwaiyu ngeinyimma bialilla unkoregora, ngainma ngeimha,
parda mornda, ngainma boro mornda moiyu, ngeinyimma
jereipunga koregora ; which means, Iwaiyu, you look after
a child, my backbone and thighs are no good, my eyes
are no good and sore, you look after the Jereipunga
(totem). In other words the Yalmuru is supposed to
tell the Iwaiyu, that is, the spirit within the man, that
he, the former, is worn out and that the Iwaiyu must
take on the part of providing for a new child being
born, and must also look after its totem. As the
T
274 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA ch. viii
natives say, baranga Talmuru wariji ge, the old Yalmuru
is done for completely ; Iwaiyu nigeri Talmuru, the
Iwaiyu is the new Yalmuru. It is really rather like a
very crude forerunner of the theory of the continuity of
the germ plasm. The old Yalmuru splits, as it were,
into two, one half, the Iwaiyu, persists, the other finally
disappears. In its turn the former becomes transformed
into a Yalmuru which again splits ; one half remains, and
the other perishes, but there is an actual spiritual con-
tinuity from generation to generation.
It will be seen from the above how very definite the
ideas of the Kakadu tribe are in regard both to the fact
that the child enters the woman in spirit form without
any reference whatever to sexual intercourse, and also to
the fact that the child within the woman is the actual
representative of one special Individual amongst the old
ancestors.
CHAPTER IX
TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, THE GREAT
ANCESTOR, AND ALSO OTHER ANCESTORS OF THE
KAKADU NATION
Tradition of Imberombera, a woman, and Wuraka, a man.—
Imberombera travels over the country making everything and
leaving spirit children behind her. — She sends out spirit
children to different parts of the country telling them to talk
different languages. — Four groups of mythical ancestors in
the Kakadu tribe. — Lists of children born to the pairs of men
and wromen sent out by Imberombera. — Origin of the
marriage system of the Kakadu tribe. — List of intermarriages
in one of the local groups. — Tradition concerning Numereji,
a great snake, in the Kakadu tribe. — Two traditions concern-
ing Numereji and the medicine men. — The making of
medicine men. — Tradition of two Numereji men, one of
whom became the Numereji of the southern Kakadu
people and the other the Numereji of the Geimbio people. —
Tradition of Eribinjori the crocodile. — Women making fire
and cooking. — The two crocodile men kill the women. —
Tradition of UnguUa Robunbun. — She kills Kakadu men
and throws parts of herself and her belongings away, some for
the women, some for the men. — She makes mosquitoes. — The
men she killed become transformed into birds.
The Kakadu and allied tribes have traditions which
relate to two great ancestors, one a woman named
Imberombera and the other a man named Wuraka. Of
these two, Imberombera is much the more important,
and a legend concerning her is met with in all of the
275 T 2
276 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
tribes now occupying the Coburg Peninsula and the
country drained by the Alligator rivers.
Wuraka came from the west, walking through the sea.
His feet were on the bottom but he was so tall that
his head was well above the surface of the water. He
landed at a place called Allukaladi, between what are now
known as Mts. Bidwell and Roe, both of which he made.
His first sleeping place, after coming out on to land, was
at Woralia. He then came on to Umurunguk and so to
Adjerakuk and Aruwurkwain, at each of which he slept
one night.
The woman, Imberombera, also walked through the
sea and landed at what is now known as Malay Bay,
the native name being Wungaran. She met Wuraka
at Arakwurkwain. Imberombera said to him, "Where
are you going ? " He said, " I am going straight through
the bush to the rising sun." The first language they
spoke was Iwaidja, that is, the language of the people
of Port Essington. Wuraka carried his penis, or parla,
over his shoulder. He said to Imberombera, ngainma
parla nungeroboama, my penis is too heavy ; ngainma
wilalu jirongadda, my camp is close by ; ngeinyimma
ngoro breikul, you go a long way.
At that time there were no black-fellows. Imberombera
wanted Wuraka to come with her, but he was too tired
and his penis was too heavy, so he sat down where he
was, and a great rock, called by the natives Wuraka,
and by the white men Tor Rock, arose to mark the spot.
Imberombera had a huge stomach in which she carried
many children, and on her head she wore a bamboo ring
from which hung down numbers of dilly bags full of
yams. She also carried a very large stick or wairbi.
At a place called Marpur, close to where she and
Wuraka met, she left boy and girl spirit children and
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 277
told them to speak Iwaidja. She also planted many yams
there and said to the children whom she left behind,
mungatidda jam, these are good to eat.
She went on to Muruni, leaving yams and spirit
children, and told them also to speak Iwaidja. From
Muruni she went on, by way of Kumara, to Areidjut,
close to Mamul, on what is now called Cooper's Creek,
which runs into the sea to the north of the mouth of
the East Alligator River. At Mamul she left children,
one boy being called Kominuuru, and told them to speak
the Umoriu language. The only food supply she left here
was Murarowa — a Cyprus bulb. She crossed the creek
and went on to Yiralka but left no children there. This
was close to the East Alligator River which she crossed
and then came, in succession, to Jeri, Kumboyu, Mun-
guruburaira and Uramaijino, where she opened up her
dilly bags and scattered yams broadcast. She went on to
Jaiyipali, where again she left food supplies. She searched
around for a good camping place and, first of all, sat
down in a water pool but the leeches came in numbers
and fastened themselves on her, so she came out of the
water and decided to camp on dry land, saying that
she would go into the bush. Accordingly, she did so
and camped at Inbinjairi. Here she threw the seeds of
the bamboo, Koulu, in all directions and also left children,
one of whom was a boy named Kalangeit Nuana.
As she travelled along, Imberombera sent out various
spirit children to different parts of the country, telling
them to speak different languages. She sent them to ten
places, in each case instructing them as follows : —
(i) Gnaruk ngeinyimma tjikaru, gnoro Koranger.
(2) Watta ngeinyimma tjikaru, gnoro Kumboyu.
(3) Kakadu ngeinyimma tjikaru, gnoro Munganillida.
(4) Witji ngeinyimma tjikaru, gnoro Miortu.
(5) Puneitja ngeinyimma tjikaru, gnoro Jaijipali.
278 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
(6) Koarnbut ngeinyimma tjikaru, gnoro Kapalgo.
(7) Ngornbur ngeinyimma tjikaru, gnoro lUari.
(8) Umbugwalur ngeinyimma tjikaru, gnoro Owe.
(9) Djowei ngeinyimma tjikaru, gnoro Nauillanja.
(10) Geimbio ngeinyimma tjikaru, gnoro Waimbi.
The first word in each of these is the name of a
language which the children were to speak; ngeinyimma
means you or yours; tjikaru is talk or language; gnoro
is go, and the last word is the name of the place to which
she sent them. Each of these places is regarded as the
cegtral camping ground of their respective tribes.
Imberombera is thus supposed to have been the
founder of the ten tribes above named, all of whom, at
the present day, inhabit the Coburg Peninsula and the
country east and west of this, for some distance, along
the coast line, as well as the inland parts drained by the
East, South, and West Alligator Rivers.
It is most extraordinary how detailed are the traditions
in regard to her and the individuals, some of whom she
left in, or sent to, certain local centres and others of
whom she sent out from her last camping place. In
what follows I give details in regard to certain of these
individuals. They were told us by a native called
Araiya whose memory was wonderful. He is recognised
as a great authority on these matters and, after checking
the lists and also comparing them with information
supplied in regard to other traditions, concerning the
old ancestors, I think that the information may be
regarded as accurate. It will be seen that he knew
not only the principal people sent out by Imberom-
bera from her last camping place at Inbinjairi, but also
the names of the individuals in all the different local
groups; he knew also whom they respectively married
and the totemic group to which each of them belonged.
It is, of course, quite possible that one or other of
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 279
these local groups comprised more individuals than those
whose names he gave us.
So far as the Kakadu and allied tribes are concerned
there appear to be four groups of mythical ancestors : —
(A) Imberombera.
{B) Pairs of men and women sent out by Imberombera from Inbinjairi.
(C) Pairs of men and women sent out, at a subsequent time, by
these (5).
(Z?) Individuals who had been left behind by Imberombera, or sent
out by her, in the form of spirit children, or Iwaiyus, to different
places when she travelled across the country. .^
It must be remembered that Imberombera is regarded
as the original great ancestor from whom all the others
emanated. It was she who originally walked over the
country, making creeks, hills, animals, and plants, and
though, at a later period, others amongst the early
ancestors took part in the production and distribution of
natives and different objects associated with them, and
took part, also, in such matters as the distribution of
totems, yet they one and all derived their powers, in the
first instance, from Imberombera and were supposed to
be acting under her instructions in everything that
they did.
I have already dealt with Imberombera and will now
deal with the other groups; but, before doing this in
detail, one point in connection with the fourth and last
(D) may be referred to. They form the original ten
groups of spirit children, all of whom emanated from
Imberombera and, at a later period, went inside the
women sent out to various parts. They have, ever since,
been undergoing a series of reincarnations, each one retain-
ing, throughout, his or her original name. The men
and women included in C are really a special number of
those in Z), who were incarnated at an earlier stage than
the rest. The whole system, as elaborated by the
28o NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Kakadu, gives us the most complete development of the
reincarnation theory with which I am acquainted amongst
these tribes. Some idea of the definiteness of the tradi-
tions may be gathered from the following account, given
to us by three leading Kakadu men, one of whom
especially, as already said, is noted for his superior know-
ledge in regard to these matters.
(5). Pairs of men and women sent out by Imberom-
bera from Inbinjairi, her final camping ground. There
were five of these, as follows, the letter m. indicating the
man and f. the woman : —
(1) Kroaran (m.) and Munjerimala (f.), sent to Unbaringadamba.
(2) Numadalulk (m.) and Pulamoki (f.), sent to Jaijipala.
(3) Kuloma (m.) and Munganepa (f.), sent to Ingitpu.
(4) Kormi (m.) and Mumaraerk (f.), sent to Karal.
(5) Nowarna (m.) and Kumanangaira (f.), sent to Imbunijairi.
Each of these pairs had children, who again were sent
out in pairs — five also, just as in the first instance — and
told to go to various parts of the country to form what
may be called local centres or groups. They were sent
to places already prepared by Imberombera for their
reception, and at which she had, during her travels, left,
or to which she had sent, spirit children. It will be seen
that there is a fundamental resemblance between this
belief and that of the Arunta and other Central tribes,
such as the Warramunga, for example, but that, at the
same time, the traditions, which must once have had a
common origin, have become both more highly developed
and, at the same time, more sharply defined in the
Kakadu and northern coastal tribes. The Arunta believe
that the old ancestors wandered over the country in
groups, kangaroo men and women in one, emu people in
another, and so on, depositing spirit children in various
local centres. The Warramunga belief is that each
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 281
totemic group had one great ancestor who followed a
definite and well known track as he wandered over the
country. These ancestors made all the country as they
passed along and, at certain places, left spirit children
behind them. In the Kakadu there is, originally, just
one great ancestor — Imberombera — who, in the beginning,
was really responsible for everything. Possibly the myth
concerning Wuraka may be the vestige of older traditions
which, as in the Warramunga, were concerned with many
wandering ancestors. In the Arunta and Warramunga
tribes, each ancestor, or group of ancestors, was, so to
speak, responsible for one totemic group, but in the
Kakadu, Imberombera was responsible for all and she it
was who distributed everything to the first five pairs
whom she sent out. They, in their turn, acting always
under instructions received from Imberombera, sent out
other individuals to other parts. Imberombera herself
was responsible for all the spirit children.
(C). Each of the five pairs sent out first by Imberom-
bera, the names of whom are given above, had children.
The names of all of these are carefully preserved, but it
will suffice to give those of the supposed offspring of
one pair, Munjerimala and Kroaran. They were as
follows : —
'(a) Pundamunga (m.) and Maramma (f.), sent to Koreingin.
(6) Miniorko (m.) and Japo (f.), sent to Kubarnbi.
(c) Narapalo (m.) and Kolabiljailpinja (f.), sent to Munmileri.
(d) Prienbi (m.) and Kurinuwalla (f.) sent to Kulapari.
(e) Muraupu (m.) and Juluuperi (f.), sent to Kupperi.
(D). Each one of these pairs formed a local centre,
where spirit children of diflFerent totemic groups are
mixed together, there being no such local segregation of
totemic groups as are met with in the Arunta. These
are the spirit children who were deposited, or sent out, in
282 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
the first instance by Imberombera. Entering into the
women of these various pairs, they were born in human
form. The term Murumbudui is applied to these local
centres. The same word also is used by a native when
he speaks of any place as " my country " and to the
special spot where his Iwaiyu and Yalmuru are supposed
to live.
The following lists give the complete series of children
born to the different pairs of men and women sent out
by Imberombera from Inbinjairi, together with their
totems.
{a). The children of Pundamunga and Maramma. The
letter m. indicates a man and f. a woman : —
Name.
Mukalakki, m.
Kumaraua, f.
Mindarpul, m.
Mangul, f.
Munmona, m.
Yukari, f.
Nungorpi, m.
Jerobolu, f. .
Kulingepu, m.
Nabidopoama, f.
Muppulbara, m.
Madingeya, f.
Nabanja, m. .
Ukairi, f.
Chillingogo, m.
Ngulloa, f.
Naroma, m. .
Pumonga, f. .
Noommill, m.
Elenbremer, f.
Elimojako, m.
Kunbarikara, f.
Ningemo, m.
Elmukarango, f.
Ungorpu, m. .
Kudbauu, f. .
Totem.
UUoa (a fish).
Kintjilbara (a snake).
Tjameru (a fish).
Narenma (a snake).
Mormo (sugar-bag).
Kimberikara (Barramunda fish).
Kumetnbo (goose).
Jailba (sugar-bag).
Moain (a fish).
Kudbauu (a fish).
Murno (opossum).
Mormo (sugar-bag).
Kadigbaku (a yam).
Jailba (sugar-bag).
Narenma (a shake).
Ngulloa (a fish).
Tjinara (a large yam).
Kudjalinga (turtle).
Kunaitja (cat-fish).
Tiradjuno (water-snake).
Karakera (spur-winged plover).
Pitjordu (goanna).
■ Eribinjori (crocodile).
Tjameru (a fish).
Mormo (sugar-bag).
Kudbauu (a fish).
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 283
Name.
Mundanga, m.
Kundori, f. .
Kunmaku, m.
Kurakinumba, f.
Nurrakorda, m.
Mudjerelil, f. .
Mundelpi, m.
Korarura, f. .
Araiya, m.
NuUwoiyu, m.
Murawillawill, m.
Nungori, m. .
Kunamullajumbo, m.
Munamillamijaka, m.
Totem.
Putamunga (water-lizard).
Kintjilbara (a snake).
Kudjalinga (turtle).
Puneri (a lizard).
Narenraa (a snake).
Kunaitja (mullet).
Jimmidauappa (a small fish).
Tjilaka (Jew fish).
Mormo (sugar-bag).
Kudjalinga (turtle).
Eribinjori (crocodile).
Jimmidauappa (a small fish).
Kimberikara (Barramunda fish).
Tjameru (a fish).
{V). The children of Miniorko and Japo.
Opeik, m.
Maringanja, f.
Munialli, m. .
Mukulora, f. .
Mungerei, m.
Murrakaka, f.
Minjeramak, f.
Umalenji, m.
Kengir, m.
Niori, f. .
Kunawalla, m.
Mumateki, f. .
Unuwara, m.
Norogorain, f.
lllmandi, m. .
Adungariri, f.
Murumoiyu, m.
Nadbeyu, f.
Eringbaiya, m.
Miminan, f. .
Mudjuboidbu, m.
Jerikanjamera, f.
Murrujung, m.
Morlun, f.
Mitjereuppa, f.
Kunuworla, m.
Mitjunga, f. .
Mormo (sugar-bag).
Tjameru (a small fish).
Kintjilbara (a snake).
Jailba (sugar-bag).
Kunbaritja (a fish).
Pitjordu (a lizard).
Kunaitja (mullet).
Tjunara (a yam).
Kintjilbara (a snake).
Jimmidauappa (a small fish).
Narenma (a snake).
Tjilaka (Jew fish).
Jailba (sugar-bag).
Mormo (sugar-bag).
Tjameru (a small fish).
Mormo (sugar-bag).
Kulekuli (cat-fish).
Kunaitja (mullet).
Karakera (spur-winged plover).
Kintjilbara (a snake).
Kimberikara (Barramunda fish).
Kulekuli (cat-fish).
Jailba (sugar-bag).
Tjilaka (Jew fish).
Jailba (sugar-bag).
Mormo (sugar-bag).
Kurnembo (goose).
284
NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
(c). The children of Nurapalo and Kolabiljailpinja.
Name.
Mungaropanyan, m.
Momadingum, f.
Kuluweya, m.
Ulparana, f. .
Unbarangil, m.
Kularanna, f.
Kurangadermo, m.
Tanjil, m.
Kuroeiri, f.
Numungara, f.
Wardalberra, m.
Mumberangi, f.
Murraburra, m
Munguraberara, f.
NuUarki, m.
Kutjukaitja, f.
Totem.
Brutpenniweir (jabiru).
Kurnembo (goose).
Pitjordu (a lizard).
Narenma (a snake).
Kudjalinga (turtle).
Karakera (spur-winged plover).
Eribinjori (crocodile).
Kimberikara (Barramunda fish).
Narenma (a snake).
Murno (opossum).
Kunaitja (mullet).
Murno (opossum).
Unari (a lizard).
Narenma (a snake).
Mormo (sugar bag).
Eribinjori (crocodile).
{a). The children of Prienbi and Kurinuwalla.
Injilubari, m.
MUnaupu, f. .
Durdabrienapora,
Uluongi, f.
Tjilari, m.
Unmunmunorku, m.
Inbortcha, m.
Nanjil, f.
Kopernga, m.
AUarma, f.
Mukamur, m.
Murokojf.
Umaraigwin, m.
Wureia, f.
Wadinma, m.
Irrapurari, f. .
Tjuranaidjo, m.
KuUorkullwa, f.
Maringmowa, m.
Kopounda, f.
Kunbaritja (a small fish).
Kulekuli (cat-fish).
Moain (a fish).
Karakera (black shag).
Mormo (sugar-bag).
Kimberikara (Baramunda fish).
Tjilaka (Jew fish).
Tjailba (sugar-bag).
Kudjalinga (turtle).
Mormo (sugar-bag).
Tjiradjino (water-snake).
Kunbaritcha (a small fish).
Kudjalinga (turtle).
Tjameru (a small fish).
Kimberikara (Barramunda fish).
Jimmidauappa (a small fish).
Ulloa (a fish).
Kimberikara (Barramunda fish).
Tjnnara (a yam).
Kintjilbara (a snake).
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 285
(f). The children of Muraupu and Juluuperei.
Name.
Murali, m.
Narilala, f.
Momainba, m.
Palmo, f.
Munamira, m.
Pukawa, f.
Mungordua, m.
Mikoroli, f. .
Undoru, m. .
Narraboalmerri, f.
NuUinjai, m. .
Geirwana, f.
Murumbari, m.
Merringjama, f.
Muniulunguru, m
Mumulagi, f. .
Mungurauu, m.
Murumbaiya, f.
Marauwill, m.
Narapalabilla, f.
Tjilangbir, m.
Mikerni, f.
Mundenbi, m.
Kutjibunba, f.
Totem.
Kalerungeni (flying-fox).
Jailba (sugar-bag).
Tjameru (a small fish).
Kurnembo (goose).
Kudjalinja (turtle).
Wiridjonga (lily seed).
Tjilaka (Jew fish).
Nuppadaitba (a fish).
Tjunara (a yam).
Wiridjonga (lily seed).
Tjunara (a yam).
Kimberikara (Barramunda fish).
Tjameru (a fish).
Momu (opossum).
Boinmun (a rat).
Kurnembo (goose).
Jailba (sugar-bag).
Karakera (spur-winged plover).
Kudjalinga (turtle).
Kunbaritja (small fish).
Jailba (sugar-bag).
Nguloa (a fish).
Mornu (opossum).
Kurnembo (goose).
It must be remembered that Imberombera is supposed
to have given instructions to the first series of pairs whom
she sent out (Kroaran and Minjerimala, etc.) telling them
to go to certain places and there eat the food supplies,
yams, lilies, sugar-bag, etc., that she had made and left
behind for them. She also told them all about the
Jereipunga, or totems, and instructed them to give these
names to the different spirit children. They in their turn
handed on the instructions to the pairs of men and women
whom they sent out.
At first the ancestors of the Kakadu group of tribes
had no definite marriage system, and at the present day
they have no classificatory system governing marriage
286 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
such as is characteristic of what may be regarded as typical
Australian tribes. In this respect they stand in strong
contrast to tribes such as the Yungman, Warri, and others
with whom they come into contact on the south and west
of their own country. Of the tribes on their eastern
boundaries we know nothing as yet. The Kakadu seem
to difFer in this respect from neighbouring tribes as pro-
foundly as they do in their initiation rites. The only
organisation that they appear to have is a local one based
upon the groups referred to above. Tradition says that
the head men of the groups talked the matter over
amongst themselves and decided to institute an exchange
of lubras between their respective groups. Pundamunga
and Miniorko, for example, agreed upon this, so one day
Miniorko set out from his camp at Kubarnbi, taking with
him Opeik, a man, and Maringjanga, a woman. He
walked between them as they journeyed along to Punda-
munga's camp at Koreingin, where he found the former
seated on the ground with Mukalakki, a man, on one
side, and Kudbau, a lubra, on the other. In both cases,
of course, the man and woman, that is, respectively, Opeik
and Maringjanja, Mukalakki and Kudbau, were supposed
to be brother and sister. The three from the Kubarnbi
camp sat down immediately opposite the other three.
The two women, Maringjanga and Kudbau, had each of
them a norkun, that is, a goose wing, which is commonly
used as a fan to keep flies off, in front of their faces so
as to prevent them from seeing their brothers, or frorii
being seen by them. Pundamunga said to Kudbau, Tapo
Opeik, ngomukali ngeinyimma, breikul baranga, go to Opeik,
(he is) your ngomukali (husband), far away from your elder
brother. She accordingly went and sat behind him. In
the same way, Maringjanga was told by Miniorko to go
and sit behind Mukalakki, who was her proper husband.
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 287
Maringjanga stayed with Mukalakki in his camp at
Koreingin, and Kudbau returned with Opeik to
Kubarnbi.
When this little ceremony was over, Pundamunga went
over to where Miniorko was sitting, and said to him,
Ngeinyimma nungordua umbali, have you got plenty of
women ? Miniorko said, ngainma ungornberri munna
wilalu ngainma umbali, I have plenty of daughters there
in my camp. Pundamunga said, kormilda mureyida,
to-morrow we will all go. Accordingly, next day he set
out, taking with him one lubra, named Maringeya, and
four men, Munmona, Kulungepa, Mupulbara, and
Mudanga. When they reached Kubarnbi they found
Miniorko seated by himself with the gerewin and umula-
kirri, that is, the men and women's camps, a short
distance behind him, far enough away for him not to be
heard unless he spoke loudly. The old man Pundamunga
went and sat down beside Miniorko ; the four men he
had brought with him squatted on the ground in such a
position that the two old men were between them and the
camps. Madingeya was by herself, a little to one side,
with a norkun in front of her face. Miniorko called a
man named Muniali out of the men's camp, and he came
and sat down. Then Pundamunga told Madingeya to go
and sit behind Miniali, because he was her proper husband,
which she did. The mother of Miniali said to him,
maba jamo Jauo, ngeinyimma nungordua, which means,
literally, son food you eat, your lubra ; in other words,
she meant that the lubra would now provide him with
food. The elder brother, Opeik, who had already been
provided with a wife, said to Miniali, illaberri, preya
wilalu mungari jirongadda, younger brother, come and
camp close by here. Pundamunga then called Monmuna
up, and he sat down. Miniorko called a lubra named
288 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Mukulora out of the women's camp and told her to go
and sit behind Monmuna, because he was her proper
husband. Then these two went some little distance away
from Opeik and Muniali, who did not invite them to
come close to their camp because the woman was Opeik's
sister.
When this was over, Pundamunga, accompanied by
Monmuna and Mukalora, together with Kulingepu,
Mupulbara and Mudanga, returned to Koreingin. In
this way, sooner or later, all the members of the local
groups were provided, respectively, with wives or
husbands. The old leaders of the local groups, who had
received instructions, emanating originally from Imberom-
bera, finally determined the man or woman whom each
individual was to marry. At the present day the only
organisation controlling marriage in these tribes, so far as
I could discover, is based on the existence of these local
groups. A man of any one local group takes his wife
from the same local group from which the old ancestor,
of whom he is the reincarnation, originally derived his.
In the following table a complete list of the inter-
marriages of the various men and women comprised in
the Pundamunga-Naramma group is given.
The information was given to Mr. Cahill and myself
by the same man who gave us that which is included in
the foregoing lists, and whose memory and knowledge in
regard to these matters was most extraordinary.
(i) Wives of the men of Pundamunga's group.
Husband.
Wife.
Locality.
Mukalakki.
Maringjanga.
Kubambi.
Mindarpul.
Niori.
Kubarnbi.
Munmona.
Mungaroberar.
Jaipara.
Nungorpi.
Muraburua.
Nutnmulari.
Kulingipu.
Mumateki.
Kubarnbi.
Muppulbara.
Munbarala.
Jaipara.
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 289
Husband.
Wife.
Locality.
Nabanja.
AUawa.
Kulapari.
Chillingogo.
Mukuloro.
Kubarnbi.
Naroma.
Ulperarwa.
Munmileri.
Noornmill.
Upperdaitbi.
Kulapari.
Elimajaka.
Unmunmunorko.
Kulapari.
Ningerno.
Munjeramaka.
Kubarnbi.
Ungorpu.
Kuroeri.
Nunmileri.
Mundanga.
Unberangi.
Munmileri.
Kinmarku.
Mitereupa.
Kubarnbi.
Nurakorda.
Majereril.
Karara.
Mundelpi.
Mukuroli.
Kupperi.
Araiya.
Merangunna.
Kupperi.
(2) Husbands
of the women
of Pundamunga's
group.
Wife.
Husband.
Locality.
Kamaranuwu
Priengbi.
Kullaperi.
Mangul.
Numadalil.
Jaipara.
Yukari.
Madjerei.
Karara.
Jerobolu.
Kupurnda.
Kullaberi.
Nabilopoama.
Mangarapanyan.
Munmileri.
Madingeya.
Nietchi.
Jaipara.
Kudbau.
Opeik.
Kubarnbi
NguUoa.
Karingademo.
Munmileri.
Puruonga.
Umongi.
Ninjielgi.
Elenbremer.
Nelili.
Naramarkida,
Kunberikara.
Dudoburem.
Kulapari.
Elmukurangu.
Murakaki.
Kubarnbi.
Kundori.
Kutchorpi.
Munmileri.
Kurakinumbo.
Imbortja.
Kulapari.
Mudjerebil.
Nurrakorda.
Karara.
Korarura.
Murriwiridjinja.
Kubarnbi.
The localities in the first of these two lists are those of
the wives, and in the second those of the husbands. At
the present time the man must take as wife a woman
belonging to the same locality as that in which the man of
whom he is the reincarnation and whose name he bears
originally secured his.
290 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Tradition concerning Numereji, a Great Snake, in
THE Kakadu Tribe. (Fig. 66, facing p. 313.)
Numereji is tlie name of a great snake that figures
largely in the traditions of the Kakadu tribe. It
appeared first at a place, called Kumbulmorma, which
lies on a wide, open plain between the East Alligator
River and Cooper's Creek. Not far away, at Yiringira, a
large number of natives were camped and, amongst
them, was a baby, crying. The snake came along with
his head high in the air and said : Waji bialilla, yana
waji bialilla — there is a child crying, where is the child
crying ? It turned its head round from side to side
and went down into the ground, then it came up again
and circled round and round the camp. The child
was still crying and one native was blowing a trumpet.
The snake then put his head up close to the child and
sucked it in. The natives were terribly frightened
and all started to run away, but Numereji folded his
tongue round each one in turn and licked them in, until
he had devoured them all save one old lubra, named
Kominiyamana, who had climbed up into a tree and kept
quite quiet for a long time. Most unfortunately, the
mosquitoes were so thick that she could not help smack-
ing herself, every now and then, to kill them. Numereji
listened and said. Hallo ! there is someone there, on top.
He lifted up his head and sucked her in with his long
tongue. His stomach was now simply full of black
fellows.
He travelled along on the top of the ground to a place
called Maipolk on the East Alligator River, arched
his head up, put it down on the other side, so that his
body made a great bow across the river and then, leaning
on his head, swung his tail across. As he travelled along.
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 291
he saw some more natives but, though he went along,
lying flat in the ground and making as little noise as
possible, he frightened a mob of white cranes and
cockatoos that rose, screaming, from the trees. The
natives of course saw them and knew that something must
have disturbed them. They went to see, saying. What
is the matter, what has frightened them ? One native
went ahead and shouted out Kuwi ! Kuwi ! ^ Come here,
come here. He had caught sight of Numereji and said
to the others when they came up. Look, what is the name
of this big fellow ? Numereji was lying down resting,
gorged with black fellows. A very large number of
natives came up. They all called out, Ameina ! Ameina !
What is it ? What is it .'' Those in front said to those
behind, come up close and look at the Morpiu.^
Its belly was sunk deep in mud, but its back projected
high in the air. Numereji was so tired that he had gone
to sleep. They all came close up and one old man who
had heard of him and what he was like, said. This is
Numereji. Ah ! Ah ! they said, is it } is it ? This is
the first time we have seen him. The old man talked to
the snake and said. What have you been eating that your
belly is so big } but the snake made no reply. Then the
old man accused him of having eaten the black fellows,
saying, Urawulla jereini jau — It is the UrawuUa men that
you have eaten. Then Numereji awoke, lifted himself up,
put down his head and vomited forth the bones of all
the men and women he had eaten. The bones have
remained there to this day in the form of stones.
Numereji then went on to a place called Mungeruauera,
where he went into the ground and there he remained.
' This is pronounced in almost exactly the same way as the character-
istic Austrahan call, spelt, usually, Cooee.
^ Morpiu is a general name for animals of any kind.
U 2
292 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Two Traditions concerning Numereji and the
Medicine Men.
(I)
There were four men, Joemin, an elder brother, and
Numuraupu his younger brother. Joemin had a son,
called Mukurlul, and Numuraupu had one, called
Kardimenjil. Joemin had stolen a small Numereji snake
which he cut in two. The front half grew a new short
tail, the hinder half died. Joemin carried the front half
under his arm. The old Numereji snake remained in
the creek at Mungeruauera, in fact, he is there still.
The medicine man can see him but the ordinary natives
do not drink there because they are afraid that, if they
were to do so, Numereji would draw them in and eat
them.
When Joemin cut the little snake in two, he drank
some of the blood that flowed out, drained the rest into a
shell, and then carried the latter and the snake along with
him. He came to a place called Mulipaji and there he
left some of the snake's blood, and made thereby a
kumali wilalu, that is a kumali or sacred camp. The
natives call this part of the country wilalu manungel,
or blood country, and only medicine men go there, the
others are too frightened. If they were to go near to it
their fingers would break.
Joemin went to Mulipaji by himself and then returned
to the others, bringing the snake with him. His younger
brother, Numuraupu, said to him, Baranga brau morpiu
koregora. Brother, give me the snake to look at. Before
coming Into the camp, Joemin had hidden the snake a
little distance away. First of all he rubbed his younger
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 293
brother's eyes, or else the latter would not have been able
to look at the snake, and then went away and returned
with the snake. When Numuraupu looked at it, the
snake opened his mouth and rattled his teeth. Joemin
said to Numuraupu, Koregora pierda^Xook. hard. Numereji's
eyes were very large and bright. Joemin said, do not
be frightened, look at it hard and your eyes will be
all right. Numuraupu felt the snake with his fingers and
said, it is very slippery. Joemin said, lUaberi, karu
pierda kala, kularu kangu, that is, young brother, hold it
firmly, lift it up high. Numuraupu did as he was told
and lifted the snake with his arm underneath it.
Numuraupu was very frightened and trembled all over.
Joemin said, Koyada kumari, kara pierda kala, do not
be frightened, hold it firmly. Numereji's mouth was
opened and his teeth were rattling. The snake looked at
the camp and was very angry or, as the natives call it, he
was, Tjiritjeriyu widjeru, the latter word means " very,"
the former is a word applied to any man or animal that
is always what the natives term "growling." Joemin
said to his younger brother, hold it hard, Kara pierda
kala, balera naigeri kuileila, if you do not your fingers
will break. Joemin gave the snake to Numuraupu,
saying Illaberi, ngeinyimma, ngai ningeri, young brother
(that is) yours, 1 (will get) a new one. The snake lifted
its body up with its head pointing forwards. It had a
long snout and long jaws. The two men carrying it
went towards the camp. When they came close up they
put the snake down on the ground and, after covering
it over with leaves and grass, left it and went on to
the camp. It was now midnight and Numuraupu, instead
of staying in camp, returned once more to where the
Nuraereji was secreted, leaving Joemin in camp. He
uncovered the snake and, picking it up, carried it away
294 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
and placed it by Joemin's side. Both Joemin and
Numuraupu had a ranken kobonja, that is a wurley or
bush shade made of paper-bark. Numereji said, Clck,
Clck, Clck, and this woke up the natives, who said,
Ameina, munanji ? What is it, what is the matter ^ The
snake went on, Clck, Clck, Clck, while Joemin lay still,
pretending to be asleep. Numuraupu kept very quiet,
pretending also to be asleep, but, in reality, he was
listening. One of the men came up to Joemin and
awoke him, calling him Murabulbu — that is, old man.
Joemin said, Oeka^ kala, tjikora oronga — go back, all right,
lie down and sleep ; so he went back. Then Numuraupu
went into Joemin's camp, lifted the snake up and took
it away to where it had been hidden before, and covered
it with leaves. He said to it, Tjikora oronga^ ngainma
japu morpiu, madida auworkai wilalu kari ; Lie down
and sleep, I go (to get) food, to-night I come back to the
camp and take you.
Two days later a child, about five or six years old,
died and, as usual, the body was put on a stage ot
boughs in a tree. Joemin said to Numuraupu, ngainma
areya numureji ningeri ; I am going (to get) a new
Numereji. Before starting, he went to the tree grave,
cut open the child's body so as to get the fat {paloma)
especially the " kidney fat," and cut off both heels for
the same purpose. He wrapped the fat up in leaves
and then put it in a shell (nambi), after which he came
back to where Numuraupu was seated in camp. Joemin
carrying the fat and Numuraupu carrying the Numereji,
set out from camp. A long way off they came to a big
ant hill, a Mupungalu. Joemin told Numuraupu to go a
little distance away with his Numereji and hold it hard.
Then he collected dry, stringy bark, and, twirling one stick
on another, made a fire at the foot of the ant hill. Then
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 295
he took some of the dead child's fat and put it on the
fire, where it soon began to sizzle. There were several
Numereji under the ant hill, and they smelt the burning
fat. Joemin went a little way ofF from the fire and then
came back again and put some more fat on, and again it
sizzled. This time a Numereji came out and Joemin
captured it. Numuraupu, holding his snake hard,
brought it up to where Joemin had the new one. The
latter licked the old snake. Joemin's was a small one,
and he placed it on the ground by the side of the other,
which was much bigger. They measured the two on the
ground side by side. Joemin had a stone knife, Tjumaiin,
and, holding this firmly in his left hand, he cut the hind
end off Numuraupu's snake so as to make them both the
same length (Fig. 66). Neither of the snakes growled.
Then they lifted the two up and rubbed and cleaned them.
In this way Joemin got a new Numereji.
In the Kakadu tribe there is a close association between
Numereji and the medicine men. They alone are sup-
posed not only to be able to see him, but to have eyes
that can withstand his glance ; other natives are unable to
do this.
At the present time new medicine men are initiated by
the old ones. In the early days Joemin was the first
medicine man, and he made others, and showed them
what had to be done. At first Joemin's eyes were like
those of other men, and he could not see Numereji. One
day he went to a water hole and, looking over the edge,
he saw his shadow, or iwaiyu.^ He looked all about.
' This same term iwaiyu is applied both to a man's spirit part and to
his shadow.
296 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Then he put his head under water and opened his eyes.
Day after day he did this, which is called Karareyu poro,
washing eyes. Gradually they became very bright and
piercing, 'Tjiralala poro, very good eyes, so that he could
see at any distance, and could look right through men,
trees, and rocks. He looked and looked all round, but
could not see Numereji. Then he travelled on and came
to Kunyembulul, where Numereji had eaten a lot of black-
fellows, and there he found him quietly resting. Ah,
he said, Numereji yori, Numereji lying down. Numereji
was a great size. Joemin said to him, ngeinya jereini
yana yau, where are the men you have eaten .? Numereji
said nothing, but just yawned. Joemin spoke to him
again and said, ura wilalu jau jereini, you have eaten
another camp of men. After this, Numereji vomited
up an enormous mass of bones, the size of a great
hill.
The old Numereji carried young ones twisted round
it and feeding at the snake's breast. Joemin said,
ilauila ngainma, I will have the little one ; koyada
ngainma jeri, do not growl at me ; jereini jau bali, you
have eaten plenty of men. Numereji just shut his eyes.
Joemin caught a little snake, while the old Numereji
laid down and took no notice of him. Joemin had
provided himself with a large shell, and, after securing
the snake, he cut it in two and let some of the blood
flow into the shell, which, together with the snake, he
carried on with him to Mulipaji, as already described.
Joemin had a son called Mukurlul. When he grew
old he said to the latter, balera ngaiya^ wariji, later on
I die ; balera ngeinyimma unkoregora Numereji, later on
you look out Numereji, which meant that the son was
I The word for I is either ngainma or ngaiya— for me the word ngainma
is used.
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 297
to take his place as a medicine man. Accordingly,
accompanied by Mukurlul, he went close to the Mun-
angel wilalu, or blood camp, at Mulipaji. Each of
them, Joemin and Mukurlul, had left all their armlets,
necklets, wristlets, and hair belts at the home camp.
Joemin took his small Numereji with him, and, while
Mukurlul bathed and washed himself clean, the former
took the snake to the blood camp. Then he said to
his son, mareyimma unkoregora Numereji, we two go and
see Numereji. Joemin brought out the shell that he
had previously left, full of blood, at the camp and
showed it to Mukurlul, saying, koregora munangel, kore-
gora fierda, which means, look at the blood, look at it
hard. Then he took a leaf (marlil), put some blood on
it, and rubbed it over Mukurlul's head, arms, and
shoulders, saying, pierda murongada, strong back ; pierda
korto, strong arms ; pierda waira, strong sinews ; tjiralala
poro, good eyes ; kapena poro, keen-sighted eyes. Then,
taking some more blood, he said, munangel jau ; he made
him open his mouth wide (maiinyd) and gave him some
to eat, saying, munangel Jau, eat the blood, araji kala, right
down ; koyada nanjil umherdaroitba, don't let your tongue
taste it ; kulijidbo kumali, kulijidbo (a yam) is kumali ;
balera koyada jau kulijidbo, mapolo mornda murawarda, later
on don't eat kulijidbo, your stomach will be very bad or
swollen, meaning ^that the kulijidbo will grow and swell
inside him. Certain kinds of yams, such as Kulijidbo,
Mornun, and Gunumaramila, are kumali to a man who is
being made into a doctor. They all belong to what are
called " hot " yams, which must be specially treated before
being eaten, or else they cause much irritation in the
mouth. The idea that medicine men must not eat " hot "
things seems to be widely prevalent. In the Arunta
tribe the same belief holds. A medicine man has been
298 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
known suddenly to lose his powers after drinking hot tea
given to him by a white man.
When all was over, Joemin went, got the Numereji,
and, bringing it back, said to Mukurlul, Ngoornberri
koregora kala, son, look, all right. The boy was silent.
Joemin said, morpiu koregora, Numereji koregora, look at
the snake, look at Numereji. Numereji licked his mouth
and rattled his teeth. Then Joemin, handing the snake
to Mukurlul, said, kara pierda, hold it hard. Koregora
pierda, balera, poro mornda, look hard (or) afterwards your
eyes will be bad. Then he put the snake under
Mukurlul's arm, saying, the snake is yours ; kara pierda,
wainyan korto, hold it firmly (under your) left arm. Then
Joemin said, ngeinyimma Marunga, you are Marunga,^ that
is, medicine man. Mukurlul replied, ngaiya Marunga, I
am Marunga. Joemin said, mareyimma wilalu, we two
go back to camp ; pierda gneinyimma kutera, gnai pari, you
go well in front, I behind. They went towards the camp,
Mukurlul carrying the Numereji and Joemin a special
large warbi, or fighting club. When they came near to
the camp Joemin said, Ngoornberri, ngeinyimma pari, son,
you stay behind. Joemin left his warbi and went on
alone. In camp he told the lubras to go out and gather
paper bark. They did so, brought it into camp, and
built with it a new wurley, or bough shade. Meanwhile,
Joemin made his camp between that of the men and the
spot where Mukurlul was hidden with the Numereji,
which he still held firmly. Later on, under cover of
darkness, Mukurlul came into the new wurley, bringing
the snake with him.
The natives in camp said ; nigeri Marunga, kumali, a
new Marunga, he is kumali. Mukurlul rubbed himself
> This word is pronounced in at least three different ways as if it were
spelt Mari, Marunga, or Maringa.
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 299
over with burnt grass. For four days he remained in
the wurley, food being taken to him by his father, to
whom it was given by his mother. No lubra was allowed
to go near the wurley, which was kumali and no track
out of camp passed near it. When the four days were
over he came into camp. The Numereji he still kept,
but no one could see it save medicine men.
Tradition of Two Numereji Men.
Two brothers, both of whom were called Nabera-
yingamna, came to the Kakadu country, walking above
ground, from a place close to what is now called Burundi.
They had very long beards and were much the same as
black fellows except for the fact that they were very much
bigger men. They had one old and one new chipoiyu
or fishing net. Travelling on, they came to a place
called Ingertpu, a camp on the East Alligator River, just
at the end of the tidal part. Here they threw their
nets into the water and drew them out full of cat-fish.
They determined to make a fire, cook and eat the fish,
which, accordingly, they did. When this was over they
took their nets and journeyed on to a place close to the
stone which now marks the spot at which Imberombera
died. They saw a snake in the grass and the younger
said to the elder brother, ameina narenma, what is the
snake, or, what kind of snake is that .'' The elder replied,
It is Kintjilbara, that is, a large venomous snake, we
will eat him. They caught the snake, broke its head,
cut it ofF and threw it away. First of all they made
a fire in the earth with paper bark and heated stones on
it. Then they passed the snake's body through the fire
so that they could easily rub the scales off. After this
300 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
' they took a stone knife and made two cuts right along
the body, one on either side of the backbone and, with
the same flake, they broke the latter, at intervals, along
its length. When the stones were hot enough, the body
of the snake was coiled round and round them, the tail
end being pushed into the cut, front end ; paper bark
was placed above it and then the earth was filled in.
When the cooking was over, a part of the under body-
wall was cut off, great care being taken not to spiU any
of the juice in the body-cavity, because this is regarded
as a great delicacy, called Juri. The native telling us the
tradition showed us exactly how the elder brother lifted
up the snake by each end with his arms extended so that
the body formed a loop from which the Juri streamed
into the man's mouth. The fat was cut out and eaten
first, the body was then broken in pieces and the meat
eaten ; finally the bones were broken. When this had
been done the older man took the fragments in his
mouth and spat them out in all directions saying, now all
men may eat Kintjilbara, bones and all.
After eating the Kintjilbara they resumed their travels
and caught sight of some natives journeying to the north-
east. The younger brother said to the elder, I can see
a black-fellow. The elder said, Yes that is Mimonau, we
will go to him. They did so and found him eating
something. They said to him, ameina jau, what are you
eating? He replied, ngai Kintjilbara jau, I am eating
Kintjilbara. The older brother said, gnai juro, I do the
same, ngai pumana noorkudua, I have eaten one. He
asked the old man where his camp was and Mimonau
said. Here, and asked them, ngeinyaminna wilalu, where is
your camp.'' The elder brother replied, areyiminna
breikul, we go a long way.
The two brothers then left Mimonau and, travelling
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 301
on, came to a big blood-wood tree on which many bees
were feeding on the honey in the gum-tree flowers.
The younger brother said, hearing the buzzing, What is
it, is it bees.? Ha! Mormo! The elder brother was
carrying a keerli, or stone tomahawk, which he handed to
the younger man telling him to go and cut a forked
stick. He himself gathered a leaf with a spider cocoon
on it, which he shredded out, and, having done this,
climbed the tree by means of the forked stick which was
placed slanting against the trunk. He put a little bit of
the web on each bee that he could reach, singing out to
them to go home, and at the samdf time telling his
brother to watch which way they went. They followed
them up and put leaves into the holes they entered so
that they would know, later on, where the honey-bags
were. Some of the bees, on which he put web, he sent
away to distant parts to make honey bags for the natives
there. One he sent to Muborarari, a place between the
two Alligator Rivers. When he had done this the old
man went to the first honey-bag, cut it out with his
stone axe and ate it. The two brothers then went back
to the river, where they had left their nets in the water,
took them out and brought them on with them. They
came to a creek running into the East Alligator River
where they found a number of natives living in bark
wurleys. The men said, We can hear the black fellows'
bamboo {i.e., their bamboo trumpets), we will go and look
at them. They came close up to the camp and a heavy
rain fell. The younger man said, I am cold, brother.
When they came near they met an old man, named
Pundamunga, who was out looking for sugar-bags. He
was very frightened when he saw them and said, ameina,
ameina, who are you, who are you ? They said to him,
ameina kumeri, why are you frightened ? Kowe breyu.
302 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
koyada kumeri, come here, do not be frightened. Before
this they had hidden their nets.
Each of the two brothers had the skin of a Numereji
snake and a separate head, like a snake. They were men,
but could change themselves into snakes when they
wanted to and then back again into men. As the natives
say, they were Numereji men. Before coming near the
camp they had put their snake skins on, but now
they took them off and hid them. Pundamunga was
still very frightened. They said to him, We are black-
fellows, do not be frightened, where is your camp ? The
two men then said, gnoro kutjali, nungortji, go and light
a fire, we are cold. Pundamunga accordingly went and
brought a fire-stick. It went out and he brought another.
This also went out. Go again, they said. He did so, a
third and forth time, but it always went out. The rain
meanwhile was coming down in torrents. After a fifth
unsuccessful attempt, the men told him to go to his camp
and stay there. He did so and slept by his fire. The
other men in camp were making a corrobboree and
striking sticks together. The two brothers said. We will
put on our Numereji skins and eat the men. Then they
went to where their skins were hidden, blew them up,
took their own black-fellow skins off and went into
the Numereji ones. They had heads and teeth just like
a Numereji and were of huge size. After moving about
for some time they went underground until they came to
the camp where the natives were corrobboreeing. The
natives, except Pundamunga who was asleep, knew
nothing about their presence, and the two snake men
first of all came out and looked at the men in camp
and then, going down again, suddenly arose under the
camp, smashed it into bits and then devoured every-
thing, men, women, children, weapons, in fact the whole
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 303
camp and all that it contained. After that they went
to sleep. The hole that they made when they came
out is still to be seen at Jipaiumba and also two
depressions in the ground where they slept. When
they awoke they travelled on and, at a place called
Purluwa, vomited up the bones, which turned into
stone. At Purluwa also they shed their skins and
changed themselves into black-fellows, putting their
Numereji skins into bags. Then they came on to
Kulapari, where there is a water pool, in which they
put one of their nets. During the night this changed
into a Numereji which came out and went on to the
plains bordering the river and then back into the latter
by way of a small creek.
The elder brother woke up early next morning and
went to the river to see if there were any fish in the net,
but it was not there. He called out to his younger
brother, chipoiyu kaio, the net is not here. Of their two
nets one was an old one, the other new, and it was the
latter that had gone. They put their two snake skins in
the one net and then followed up the tracks of the snake
that they could clearly see going across the plain. The
tracks led them across the latter and then back to the man-
groves, where they went into the creek. Here they
decided to leave the tracks and go round and try
to head the Numereji. They ran quickly and caught
sight of him, shouting, Here he is. They came up and
tried to pull him out, but the snake said, I will stop here,
this is my home. The brothers said, We will leave him,
and went back to Tjironguda, close to Imorji, two places
on the East Alligator River. They travelled on and
came to a spot where they made a hill, called Tjaruma.
They crossed the plains, at Mijela, where there is much
sand, so that the place is called Mijela wilalu — the sand
304 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
camp. They looked up and saw a hill, called Injoanbeli,
and the younger man said, Brother, there are stones there.
He was carrying the net with the skins in and it
was very heavy. However, the older man said, We will
not stop here, we will go on further. They went on
to Murakamiaiji, a billabong close to the range of hills
that skirts the plains, and halted beside the water, saying,
quialu nanjil meja, we are hungry, we will fish. The young
man made a fishing line out of shredded bark and they
caught and cooked some fish.
Here they left the Kakadu country and came into that
of the Geimbio. The older man said to the younger. Give
me a string. He only replied, um, urn. They baited
the line with meat and the old man caught a cat-fish. He
talked to his younger brother in Kakadu, but he would
not answer and only said, urn, um, and nodded his head.
When they tried, later on, to pull the line out they found
that there was something very heavy on it. The two
men pulled hard, swaying about from side to side, but
could not draw it out. The older man said tp the other.
Go and get a strong stick and we will tie the string on and
hold hard. It was all of no use and the older man, who
was nearest to the water, was pulled in, though his
brother held on hard, but could not keep him out. The
water was very clear and the younger brother could see
right down to the bottom. He said, Where is my
brother .'' At last he threw his net in and all that he had
and dived down in search of his brother. He found him,
and the old man told the younger to go back to the
Geimbio country and talk Geimbio ; I, he said, will go
down the river and talk Kakadu. The elder brother
then went into his Numereji skin and slept. He has
remained there ever since, and there are still old men
alive who have seen him. Later on, the salt water came
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 305
up and mixed with the fresh, hurting his eyes, so that he
went down under ground, where he can still be seen by
the medicine men.
The elder brother is now the Numereji of the southern
division of the Kakadu tribe. The net that changed into
a snake is the Numereji of the northern division. It is
supposed to live at a place called Mungaddabremner on
the East Alligator River, and no native, except medicine
men, go there, because they are afraid that he would pull
them into the water and eat them. The younger brother
is now the Numereji of the Geimbio people.
Tradition of Eribinjori, the Crocodile.
Two black-fellows, who were the sons of different
women, each of whom, however, was called Nimbia-
maiianogo, went out hunting with the two women,
their mothers. The men caught ducks and Karakera
(spur-winged plover) on the plains, while the women got
plenty of Wurijonga, that is, lily-roots and seeds, in the
water pools.
At this time the men had no fire and did not know
how to make it, but the women did. The latter cooked
their food while the men were away in the bush and ate
it by themselves. When they were just finishing they
saw the men returning, away in the distance. As they
did not want them to know about the fire, they quickly
gathered up the ashes, which were still alight, and put
them up their vulvas, so that the men should not see
them. When the men came close up they said, yaninga
kutjali? where or which way is the fire ? The women
replied, kaio kutjali, there is no kutjali ; and then there
was a great dispute and much noise. Finally the lubras
gave the men some of their cooked Wurijonga or lily
X
3o6 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
cake. When they had eaten a great deal of meat and
Wurijonga they all went to sleep for a long time. Once
more, when they awoke, the men went out hunting and
the women cooked their food. The weather was very
hot and the remnant of the first lot of birds that the
men had brought in and had not eaten had gone bad.
The men brought in a fresh supply, and again, even
when they were a long way oiF, they saw the fire burning
brightly in the women's camp. A spur-winged plover
flew up and gave warning to the women that the
men were coming back. Once more, they hid the fire
and ashes, in the same way as before, and, again, the
men asked where the fire was ; the women were positive
that they had none at all. The men said, We saw it.
The women replied. No, you are gammoning, we have
no fire. The men said. We saw a big fire ; if you
have no fire, which way do you cook your food.? has
the sun cooked it.'' If the sun cooks your lilies, why
does it not cook our ducks and stop them from going
bad. There was no reply to this. They all went to
sleep, and when they woke up the men left the women
and dug up the root of an iron-wood tree and got
resin (kapei) from it.
Then they each took two sticks and found that they
could make fire by rubbing them on one another. They
said, That is all right. They had a long talk and decided
to transform themselves into Eribinjori, or large crocodiles.
Up to that time there were no such creatures, and they
discussed what they were to be like. First of all they
took a large lump of iron-wood resin, or kapei. They
made a framework for their heads out of a very tough
wood, called Umbamdil, using a flat stone for the top
of the head. The rest of it they modelled out of
kapei. Then they gathered some of the stiff stalks
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 307
of an everlasting plant, called Benagra-benagra, and
pierced holes for the nose. This done, they went
into the jungle and cut Winbegi, or cane, to make a
slit for the mouth. They made two of these frame-
works, one for each man, and then put the whole
thing over their heads. Then in order, so the natives
told us, to enable them to breathe under water, they
pierced their lungs from the outside, on each side of
the body, with Winbegi knives and filled them with air
through the openings thus made. One man pierced his
first, and, as he was successful, the other did the same.
Then, with his crocodile head on, one of them dived
into the water and swam away under the surface for a
quarter of a mile or more. When he came to the
surface he sang out, I am here now. Then the second
man dived in, followed after the first and found him.
They said. We are here together. Then they began
playing about and had a race in the water, travelling
at a great pace and ending up level.
The making of the heads had taken a long time, so
that they had now been away two days, and, after dis-
cussing the matter, they decided to return to camp.
Before doing so, however, they laid their crocodile heads
on one side, hiding them from view, so that the women
could not see them. As they went back, they once more
saw the lubras making fire, and, again, the plover rose
and gave the women warning. They wanted to know
why the men had been away so long, where they had
gone to, and what they had been doing, but the men
said nothing at all.
Late in the afternoon, the women took their chipoiyu,
or fishing nets, and set them in the water, where they
left them all night. The next morning they went early
to take them out. As they went along, one said to the
X 2
3o8 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
other, I wonder if we shall find any fish in them. They
had no clothing on, but daubed themselves over with
mud. When they reached the water pool they went in.
Meanwhile, however, the men had gone ahead of them,
by a roundabout track. They fixed their crocodile heads
on and dived into the water, so that, when the women
came up and began to try to pull their nets out, they
had no idea that the men had left their camp, much less
that, in the form of crocodiles, they were hanging on
to, and making the nets so heavy that the women could
not move them. At last the lubras put their hands into
the nets to find out what was the matter. The crocodiles
bit them, dragged them under water and killed them, as
the natives say, wariji ge, dead altogether.
When all was over, the Eribinjori men brought the
bodies out on to the bank of the water pool and said
to them. Get up, go. Why did you tell us lies about the
fire.? But there was no reply from the women; they
were completely dead.
The two men kept their crocodile heads on, but they
still had black-fellow legs and arms. They stood up,
stretched themselves, and shouted out that they were
going to cease from being black-fellows and would always
be crocodiles. They threw away their sticks and spears,
in fact everything that they had, changed their bodies,
arms, and legs, and then, having made themselves
completely into crocodiles, dived into the water in
which they have lived ever since.
Tradition of Ungulla Robunbun.
A woman, named Ungulla Robunbun, came from a
placed called Palientoi, which lies between two rivers that
are now known as the McKinlay and the Mary. She
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 309
spoke the language of the Noenmil "people" and had many
children. She started ofF to walk to Kraigpa, a place
at the head of the Wildman Creek. Some of her children
she carried on her shoulders, others on her hips, and one
or two of them walked. At Kraigpan she left one boy and
one girl and told them to speak the Quiratari (or Quiradari)
language. Then she walked on to Koarnbo Creek, near
the salt water at Murungaraiyu, where she left a boy and
a girl and told them to speak Koarnbut. Travelling on
to Kupalu, she left the Koarnbut language behind her and
crossed over what is now called the East AUigator River,
to its west side. She came on to Nimbaku and left a boy
and a girl there and told them to speak the Wijirk
language. From here she journeyed on across the plains
stretching between the Alligator rivers to Koreingen, the
place to which Imberombera had previously sent out two
individuals named Pundamunga and Maramma. UnguUa
Robunbun saw them and said to her children. There are
black fellows here ; they are talking Kakadu ; that is very
good talk ; this is Kakadu country that we are now in.
Ungulla went on until she came near enough for them
to hear her speaking. She said, I am Kakadu like you ;
I will belong to this country; you and I will talk the
same language. Ungulla then told them to come close
up, which they did, and then she saw that the young
woman was quite naked. Ungalla herself was completely
clothed in sheets of ranken, or paper bark, and she took
one oiF, folded it up, and showed the lubra how to make
an apron such as the Kakadu women always wear now.
She told the lubra that she did not wish to see her going
about naked. Then they all sat down. Ungulla said.
Are you a lubra, and she replied. Yes, I am ungordiwa.
Then Ungulla said, I have seen Koreingen a long way
off; I am going there. Where is your camp? The
310 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Kakadu woman said, I shall go back to my camp if you
go to Munganillida. Ungulla then rose and walked on
with her children. On the road some of them began to
cry and she said, Bialilla waji kobali, many children are
crying ; ameina waji kobali, why are many children crying ?
She was angry and killed two of them, a boy and a girl, and
left them behind. Going on, she came near to Koreingung
and saw a number of men and women in camp and made
her own camp some little distance from theirs. She then
walked on to Koreingung and said, Here is a black-fellow's
camp ; I will make mine here also.
She set to work to make a shelter, saying, Kunjerogabi
ngoinbu kobonji, I build a grass shelter ; mornia balgi^ there
is a big mob of mosquitoes. As yet the natives had not
seen Ungulla or her children. There were plenty of
fires in the natives' camps but no mosquitoes. They did
not have any of these before Ungulla came, bringing
them with her. She went into her shelter with her
children and slept. After a time she came out again and
then the other natives caught sight of her. Some of the
younger Numulakirri determined to go to her camp.
When she saw them coming she went into her kobonji and
armed herself with a strong stick. She was Markongo,
that is, elder sister, to the men, and, as they came up, she
shouted out from her bush wurley, saying. What are you
all coming for, you are my illaberri (younger brothers) ? I
am kumali to you. They said nothing but came on with
their hands behind their backs. As soon as they were
close to the entrance to her shelter she suddenly jumped
up, scattering the grass and boughs in all directions. She
yelled loudly and, with her great stick, hit them all on
their private parts. She was so powerful that she kiUed
them all and their bodies tumbled into the water hole
close by. Then she went to the camp where the women
IX TRADITIONS CONCERNING IMBEROMBERA, ETC. 311
and children had remained behind and drove them ahead
of her into the water. The bones of all these natives are
still there in the form of stones with which also their
spirit parts are associated. When all was over the woman
stood in her camp. First of all she pulled out her kumara
(vagina) and threw itaway, saying, This belongs to the lubras.
Then she threw her breasts away and a wairbi, or woman's
fighting stick, saying that they all belonged to the lubras.
From her dilly bag she took a paliarti, or flat spear-
thrower, and a light reed spear, called kunjolio, and,
throwing them away, shouted out, These are for the men.
She then took a sharp-pointed blade of grass called
Karani, caught a mosquito (mornia) and fixed it on to his
head (reri), so that it could " bite " and said, Your name
is mornia. She also gave him instructions, saying, yafo
mafolio, jirongadda mitjerijoro, go to the plains, close to
the mangroves ; manungel jereini jam., eat men's blood ;
kumanga kaio mornia., (in) the bush no mosquitoes. That
is why mosquitoes are always so abundant amongst the
mangroves. When she had done this Ungalla gathered
her remaining children together and, with them, went
into the water hole.
There were a great many natives, and, after they were
dead, their skins became transformed into different kinds
of birds. Some of them changed into small owls, called
Irre-idill, which catch fish. When they hear the bird
calling out at night they say dodo, which means wait, or,
later on ; to-morrow morning we will put a net in and
catch some fish for you. Others turned into Kurra-liji-
liji, a bird that keeps a look out to see if any strange
natives are about. If a man wants to find out if any
strangers are coming he says to the bird, umbordera jereini
einji ? are men coming to-day .'' If they are, the bird
answers, pitjit, pitjit. Others changed into Jidikera-
312 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA ch. ix
jidikera, or willy wagtails, which keep a look out for
buffaloes and crocodiles. Others, again, changed into
dark-coloured kites, called Daigonora, which keep a look
out to see if any hostile natives are coming up to " growl."
A man will say to one of these, Daigonora, if he sees it in
a tree, Breikul jereini jeri, that is, far away, are there men
coming to growl .'' If the bird replies to him he knows
that they are coming, but if it makes no sound, then he
knows there are no strangers about. Others changed
into Moaka, or crows, that show natives where geese are
to be found ; others into Tidji-tidji, a little bird that
shows them where the sugar-bags may be secured ; others
into Mundoro, a bird that warns them when natives are
coming up to steal a lubra. Some, again, changed into
Murara, the " mopoke," which warns them if enemies are
coming up in strong numbers. They ask the bird, and
if it answers with a loud " mopoke " they know that there
are none about and that they have no need to be anxious,
but if it answers with a low call, then they know that
hostile natives are somewhere in the neighbourhood, and
a man will remain on watch all night. Some of the
women changed into laughing jackasses.
All these birds are supposed to understand what the
black-fellows say, thought hey cannot themselves speak.
While the men were explaining matters to us they spoke
to two or three wagtails that came close up and twittered.
The men said that the birds wanted to know what we
were talking about, but they told them that they must go
away and not listen, which they did.
Before finally going into the water hole UnguUa
called out the names of the natives to whom she said
the country belonged. They were all the children of
Pijndamunga and Maramma.
a^
Fig. 66. The Old and the
Young Numereji Snake. A Bark
Drawing. Kakadu Tribe.
Fig. 67. Bubba Peibi fro.m a
Drawing on Bark. He i.s Drag-
ging THE Fish that he has
CAUGHT behind HI.M BV MEANS OK
A Stick which is p.assed through
THEIR GlI.I.S, and is in THE
ACT OE SPEARING ONE WITH THE
CHARACTERISTIC THREE - PRONGED
Sl'E\R THAT THE NATIVES USE
EOR THIS I'URI'OSE.
[Face page 313.
CHAPTER X
VARIOUS TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS
Tradition of Bubba Peibi. {Fig. 67.)
Tradition of Bubba Peibi. — Tradition of Dodaduriman. — A
mischievous spirit enticing a native away. — Ceremonies
concerned with the eating of Nuppadaitba. — Rain making in
the Kakadu tribe. — Tradition of a snake man named
Ngabadaua and of two snake women named Narenma. — ■
Lubra sending the salt water back. — Restrictions on speak-
ing.— Ceremony to drive mosquitoes away. — Navel string or
Worlu. — Child born dead. — The rainbow. — Menstrual flow.
— Sticks given to a woman when enceinte. — Nose boring. —
Beliefs with regard to animals. — Sun, moon, and stars. —
Traditions concerning Uruanda, a snake man of the
Mungarai tribe. — Tradition of Namaran, a Thunder man of
the Mungarai tribe. — Tradition of Gulmurlu and his sons. —
Tradition concerning McDougall's BlufF. — Tradition con-
cerning Kulakueungini, a Rainbow man of the Nullakun
tribe. — Naming of children.
Bubba Peibi is a very short, stout individual, only
about two feet six inches high. He has long spears and
a large meilla, or basket. He walks about in the water
holes at night time, catching fish. In shallow water he
takes them out with his hands and puts them in his meilla.
As he wanders about he talks to himself, saying, Bi,
Brr ; Bi, Brr, with a long roll on the r. In deep
water he uses his spears. If he sees a Kimberikara, or
Barramunda fish, he spears it in the neck, which he then
314 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
bites and puts it in his large bag, or meilla. This he is
supposed to drag behind him through the water (Fig. 67).
Then, perhaps, he spears a cat-fish and treats it in the
same way ; then a Kunaitja, or mullet, the neck of
which he breaks with his hands. When he has caught
enough fish he ties the mouths of his bags up, and, carry-
ing them on his head, goes back to his own place, saying,
Bi, Brr, Err.
He lives inside a big Banyan tree, by the side of a
paper bark creek. The hole in this tree, through which
he passes, is only a smaU one, but he can enlarge it by
breathing through it, and, when once he has passed, either
in or out, it closes up. At the top of the trunk there is
a hole through which air comes in. He makes a fire
inside the trunk and cooks his fish there. Within the
tree, also, he has a wife and children. The ordinary
black-fellow cannot see him, but the Margi, or medicine
men, can, and they also talk to him. Sometimes a
medicine man happens to be close by when he comes back
to the Banyan tree after one of his fishing excursions.
Bubba Peibi says, Koyada ngainma bo, don't hit me. The
medicine man says, Koyada humeri, don't be frightened ;
ngai unkoregora ; ngoro araji, I watch ; you go inside.
Sometimes, when Bubba Peibi is out fishing and a
medicine man hears him and is afraid that he will catch all
the fish and leave none for the black-fellow, he plays a
trick on him. He can go so quietly to the water hole
that Bubba Peibi does not know he is there. In the
water he hangs on to the large bag, or Meilla, that Bubba
Peibi drags behind him, and the little man tugs and tugs,
but cannot move it. Accordingly, he goes back to find
out what is the matter, and, while he is feeling about to
see if the bag has been caught by something, the Margi
takes hold of his hand. Bubba Peibi is very alarmed, but
X VARIOUS TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS 315
the Margi says, don't be frightened, but go to another
water hole and do not catch all the fish here. Bubba
Peibi then ties up his bag, takes his spears and goes
away. The ordinary natives can hear him talking to
himself as he walks through the water, but only the
Margi can see him.
Tradition of Dodaduriman.
In the far past times, which the Waduman people call
yabulungu, an old woman named Dodaduriman came up
from the salt water, following along what is now the
valley of the Daly River, which she made during her
travels. As she journeyed on she also made the grass,
trees, rocks, country, in fact everything. At last she came
to what is now called the Flora River, but then called
Tjaral, which she made as well as the Flora and Kathleen
Falls, called, respectively, Tjarang and Tjimumum. At
the former she made the rocky bar that now serves as
a crossing for the natives. On her back she carried a
large pitchi, as large as a boat, called nitjari, full of
salt-water mussels, or naribu, on which she fed. Finally,
she stopped at a place called Middle Waters, or Idodban,
and there went down under the water. At the present
day there is a spring at this spot which is always bubbling,
and the natives believe that this is due to Dodaduriman's
fire that she keeps alight down below.
It was Dodaduriman who first of all told the Waduman
natives that they must not marry anylubra, indiscriminately.
She gave them their class names and told them whom
each was to marry and who their children would be.
3i6 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
A Mischievous Spirit Enticing a Native Away.
One of the Kakadu men named Ungara told us of
an adventure that befell him one day when he was out in
the bush cutting stringy-bark. He had been working
hard all day and was coming back, carrying a number of
sheets of bark on his head. They were very heavy, and
it was just sundown as he came within sight of the camp.
A spirit, or Myormu,^ belonging to another district, un-
fortunately happened to be lurking about in search
of mischief. It saw Ungara coming along carrying the
sheets of bark and, hiding itself in the scrub till he had
gone by, came out, followed him up, caught hold of one
corner of the sheets and threw him down. Ungara heard
a noise in the grass very much like that made by a
kangaroo, but, though he looked round, he could see
nothing. He picked the sheets up and tried to go on,
but he became very deaf and almost blind. Then he
sang out, Woi-i, Woi-i, hoping to attract the attention
of some of his mates. He thought that he was quite
close to the camp, and the Iwaiyu kept on answering
him, crying, Kuwi ! Kuwi ! which he thought was the
natives answering his call. He followed in the direction
of the sound and it led him away from his camp right
across the bush into the mangrove swamps. Fortunately
the men in camp had caught sight of him and followed
him up, shouting Kuwi ! Kuwi ! They could not under-
stand why he was walking in the wrong direction, but he
could only hear the call of the Myormu or mischievous
' The Kakadu and allied tribes believe that the Yalmurus ai other
tribes come into their (that is, the Kakadu) country in order to work evil
magic. This can only be frustrated by means of the careful watch that
the Yalmuru of each Kakadu native is supposed to keep over the latter.
Such evil-disposed Yalmurus belonging to other tribes are called Myormu
pr Mormo, a general term applied to evil or mischievous spirits.
X VARIOUS TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS 317
spirit. When once he got amongst the mangroves he
knew that there was something wrong because he
had come into a strange place. The natives came close
up, but, even then, he could not hear them, though they
shouted at the top of their voices until, finally, they lost
sight of him in the thick mangroves. Fortunately, the
Myormu, or Yalmuru, became frightened because there
were so many natives about. Ungara climbed up one of
the mangrove trees and said, Jirongadda, breikul, which
means, close by, far ofF, the first in reference to the voice
of the Myormu, the second to the camp-fire which he could
see blazing away in the distance.
By now it was dark, and, of course, the black-fellows
realised that it was a Myormu that was enticing Ungara
away. The latter, after the departure of the spirit, said
to himself, koi pari, which means, literally, leave behind,
that is, he determined to leave the mangrove swamp and
go in search of the fires that he could see burning away in
the distance. After a long time he made his way out of
the swamp, and then the natives found him and took him
back to camp.
If the men had not come up in large numbers and
frightened the Myormu away the latter would have carried
Ungara off to a place called Delborji — a cave in the
Ranges that can only be entered by the Margi, or
medicine men. When once a man has been carried into
this cave he can only be rescued by aid of the Iwaiyu, or
Yalmuru, of his father, or some Kaka (father's father),
or Baranga (elder brother). The latter spirit goes into
the cave and says to the hostile Yalmuru, who has decoyed
the man in, What are you doing with my boy.'' He
pushes the Yalmuru down and tells him to stay in the cave,
and then he takes the man away out into the scrub.
While he is asleep, the friendly Yalmuru, or Iwaiyu, who
3i8 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
has rescued him, tells him that he has been taken away
by a Yalmuru who belongs to another country or, as
he says, onji tjikaru, another tongue or talk. The man
wakes up in the morning and goes to his own camp,
where he becomes very ill. If there is a medicine man
there he knows at once what is the matter, and says,
Yalmuru mumaladjinu ^oro, which is a very strong expression
— a most emphatic cursing of the hostile Yalmuru. First
of all he gazes into the patient's eyes, then he massages
the sides of his body and, after a time, and as the result
of long-continued sucking, extracts something, such as a
kunununeli — the finger-nail of a Yalmuru. . After this has
been successfully withdrawn, the man goes to sleep
and, next morning, wakes up perfectly well and normal.
Ceremonies Concerned with the Eating of
nuppadaitba.
In the Kakadu tribe there is a special fish, called
Nuppadaitba, in regard to the eating of which there are,
for some reason, very rigid restrictions. It lives only in
deep water pools and may only be caught by really old men
and they must use nets or spears. The restrictions vary
also in regard to different water pools. As usual there are
no restrictions on the children until they reach, respect-
ively, the status of Mulakirri and Yingulakirri, that is,
they are from ten to twelve years old.
At one water pool, called Mungauilada, only Kakadu
men may eat them, no one else may do so under very
severe penalties. If anyone should venture to break
this rule and to attempt to catch and eat them there, his
eyes and ears would swell up and sores would break out
all over his body. At Mungauilada also, it is only the
very old Kakadu men who may catch them and, even
Fig. 68. Medicine Man rubbing his Hand under his Arm-pit to
SECURE Moisture to rub on the Patient. Kakadu Tribe.
Fig. 69. Medicine j\Ian sucking and massaging Patient to
withdraw Girl Magic. Kakadu Tribe.
{Face page 3x9.
X VARIOUS TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS 319
when thus caught, no young man must touch them. A
man's hair must be turning grey before he can eat them.
He must also have attended at least four Ober ceremonies,
though this in itself would not exclude many full grown
men. One day, two fully initiated men were talking to
us about Nuppadaitba. One of them, named Kopereik,
was about fifty years old, the other, named Mitjeralak,
was between thirty and thirty-five. The latter was not
allowed to touch, much less eat them. If he were to do
so he told us that his arm would grow crooked. On
the other hand he may eat them if they are caught at a
water pool called Nirriligauwa. Permission to do so had
been given to him by Kopereik but, even now, he will
only eat the fish at this place if he is in the company
of older men. At Nirriligauwa women and children
may eat the fish under special conditions. No Ningari
youth, or girl of corresponding age, may touch them.
For a woman to be allowed to eat the fish it must be
brought into camp on the point of the spear by which it
was secured. If it tumbles oflF before the camp is reached,
then only old men may eat it. It must also be struck
with a short throwing stick, called mumbarnbo, while it is
still on the spear point. If these conditions are complied
with, and unless there be a good supply of fish probably
they are not, the women may eat. The old men also
can make it fit for younger men to eat at this place by
breaking the fish's neck.
Mischievous spirits, belonging to another tribe, some-
times place Nuppadaitba bones that they have " sung "
in a Kakadu man whom they desired to injure. This is
a very serious form of magic and can only be cured by
an exceptionally able medicine man. The operation, as
shown to us, was as follows (Figs. 68, 69). The patient
lies down on the ground, flat on his back. The doctor
320 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
kneels down beside him, leans over him and first of all
blows on his chest. Then he massages him and finally
passes his hand through his own arm-pit, so as to remove
some of the perspiration that has gathered on the
Wingorka, or hairs. This is rubbed into the man's chest
and then the medicine man sets to work to suck hard
until, bit by bit, he has removed all the bones.
After the fish has been eaten all the bones must be
gathered together and burnt by the old men. If any
were left lying about and a native should chance to
tread on them he would soon lose the use of his legs
and his arms also would most probably be affected.
Curiously, the bones are not used for "pointing"
amongst the Kakadu themselves.
Tradition says that, in the old times, one man first
of all caught a Nuppadaitba at Mungauilada and ate it.
He found it good and told the others. Then a second
man tried with the same result ; then, one by one, they
all caught and ate the fish. They were not very old
men. After a time their legs began to swell enormously,
sores broke out all over them and, finally, they all died.
Other natives, who had, fortunately for themselves, not
been to the water pool nor eaten the fish, decided that
they were poisonous and must be kumali at Mungauilada
and could only be eaten by very old men.
Rain Making in the Kakadu Tribe.
In the early days, Imberombera, when she ceased from
her travels at a place called Inbinjairi, sent out various
pairs of individuals to different parts of the country
and, amongst these, were two named Kroaran, a man, and
Munjerimala, a woman, whom she instructed to go to
Baringadamba and stay there. In their turn, they also
X VARIOUS TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS 321
sent out pairs of individuals, of whom one pair, named
Muraupu, a man, and Juluuperi, a woman, went to a
place called Kupperi in Kakadu country. This man,
Muraupu, was the great rain maker. One season there
was scarcely any food and everything was quite dry.
The fish were very poor and most of the water pools,
even the deeper ones, were dried up.
Muraupu made a bough shed over a tidal creek that
then ran down, and still does, into the East Alligator
River. In this he placed logs (Jamba) and put fire sticks
(jungornu) on the top of them. Then he went back to
his camp and waited. As the tide rose, the water came
up until it covered the bough shed. It came bubbling
up and then went back again. Clouds began to come
up out of the salt water and soon the rains came. The
sticks were left till they were covered with an evil
smelling ooze, called kurawarwa. Then a kind of
steam came out of them, like light clouds. It went
away to the sea, down the river and then returned in the
form of mokornbo — a light, misty rain that always comes
from the west. When the natives see this, they know
that the heavy rains are over and there will only be
showers.
At the present day the rain maker still performs this
ceremony. After the rain season, when the young geese
begin to swim about, the yungornu sticks are taken out
from the bush house and hung on trees. Later on,
they are distributed amongst the men. The jamba,
also, are taken into the bush and burnt, or else, if they
were not destroyed, the rains would never cease.
There is only one rain maker in the Kakadu tribe at
any one time. The present holder of the position is a
man named Niulu Bornjoan and he received his powers
from his elder brother, who is now dead.
522 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Tradition of a Snake Man named Ngabadaua and
Two Snake Women named Narenma.
There is a special snake called Ngabadaua of which
the natives are very frightened and the following legend
is told to account for it. There was a black-fellow
named Ngabadaua who, at first, was a man and not a
snake. He had with him two women who were mother
and daughter and were called Narenma, which was the
name of a snake belonging to the Kakadu people. The
Ngabadaua man wished to take the younger Marenma
woman as his wife but she would not consent because
she wished to have a Kakadu man as her husband.
Ngabadaua went out hunting and caught four large
lizards which he brought into the camp and told the
younger woman to cook.^ She declined to do so and
then he asked her mother to cook them but she also
refused.
Ngabadaua then went out into the bush and made
tracks like those of a Narenma. He returned and told
the women that he had seen some tracks made by a
Narenma man. They at once started out to look for
them and, when they had gone, Ngabadaua himself rati
rapidly by a round-about track through the bush to a
hole that he had dug in the course of the tracks.
After changing himself into a snake he went into the
hole. The younger woman found the tracks first,
showed them to her mother and then, together, they
followed them up until they came to the hole. The
younger one began to poke a stick that she carried with
her into the hole but her mother told her to stop
doing so because there was nothing in it. However,
' The cooking of food for a man by a woman is a sign that the latter
is the wife of the former.
X VARIOUS TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS 323
the former gathered a handful of grass, put it in the
hole and held it there while her mother poked with a
stick. The Ngabadaua bit the younger woman's hand
and she cried out, saying, I am bitten. The mother
still contined poking and then the snake bit her on the
wrist and came out, saying, I will always bite black-
fellows. That is why the natives are now so frightened
of Ngabadaua.
LuBRA Sending the Salt Water Back.
Two lubras in the Kakadu country, which, in the far
past time, was almost covered with salt water, made an
earth oven, or peindi, in the usual way, digging out a
hole, lighting a fire in it and placing stones on the fire.
One was a woman of the Wetta tribe and Kualpur, or
ground rat, totem, the other was a Kakadu woman of
the Monmorlpur, or tree rat, totem. The Kakadu said
to the Wetta woman, Bring your food and we will put it
on the fire. The Wetta woman did not answer. Again
she said. Bring your food, and repeated this, time after
time, without receiving any answer. She was standing
by the fire with her digging stick. When the stones
were hot she raked the fire out of the hole and left the
stones in. At last, the Wetta woman said, wombotta, that
is, what is it ^ The Kakadu woman said, Why do you not
answer me in my own tongue .'' Then she grasped her
stick and hit the Wetta woman so hard on her head that
she fell down insensible and, whilst on the ground, the
Kakadu woman hit her on the back. When she came
to herself again, the Kakadu woman told her to go away
to another country and talk Wetta. So she went,
leaving the Kakadu woman by herself.
The latter went and stood by the side of the salt
Y 2
324 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
water, which then covered the plains and said to herself,
I will throw these hot stones in, saying, at the same
time, aworkai breikul kadjira, go back long way salt
water. It chanced that one of the hot stones fell on
the back of Numereji, the great snake, who was under
the water and he immediately went oiF into the deep sea,
taking the water with him and leaving the plains dry.
The woman then changed herself into a Monmorlpur
rat, making, also, all of these animals that now exist.
The other woman was transformed into a Kualpur rat and
made all of these.
Restrictions on Speaking.
In the Kakadu tribe, a man may speak to his elder
sisters, but only if they be thirty or forty yards away.
He may not speak to his younger sisters under any
conditions. They are supposed to keep out of his way,
and, if he comes upon one of them suddenly and she
is quite close to him, he is justified in hitting her.
He must not look at his mother-in-law or allow her
to do anything for him. If he be a long way oiF he may
shout to her. If she brings anything up to where he
may happen to be, she must approach from behind so
that they cannot see one another.
Ceremony to Drive Mosquitoes Away.
When mosquitoes become very troublesome the old
men of the totem in the Waduman tribe make imitation
mosquitoes, which they call Wallangulin kakilil. They
each wear one in front and one behind, fixed in their
belts. They dance about, clenching their fists and
moving their arms up and down, time after time, singing
X VARIOUS TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS 325
loudly, Wallangul'm kalilil, Wallangulin kalil, ending up
with a loud Ya ! Ya ! Ya ! They imagine that they are
killing the insect. When this is over they hand the
imitation insects to the other men, who dance while
the mosquito men sing.
Navel String, or Worlu.
This is cut off, by means of a mussel-shell, about two
inches from the abdomen. It is dried and carried about,
until the child is about five years old, in one of the small
bags that, in the Kakadu and allied tribes, the native
habitually wears suspended from a string round the neck.
When once the child can move about freely it is merely
thrown into a water pool, without any ceremony, but, up
to that time, it must be carefully preserved or else the
child becomes very ill and probably dies. Should the
child die before it is thrown away, it is burnt, but, on the
other hand, if it be burnt while the child is alive, either
before or after such time as the child can walk about, the
result again is serious illness and probably death. If the
child dies while the mother is carrying the Worlu, the
death is attributed to the fact that the mother has broken
one of the kumali rules ; she must, they say, have eaten
forbidden food or washed in deep water, so that the
child's spirit has gone from it. The father says to the
mother, Bialila niandida\ ameina jau ngeinyimma; bialila
wariji ; the child (was) good ; what kind of food (have)
you (eaten) ; the child is dead. He is very angry with
the woman, and often punishes her severely.
Chud born Dead.
If a child is born dead this is often attributed by
the Kakadu to Numereji, the snake, who is supposed
326 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
to have caused the spirit of the child, or iwaiyu, to leave
the mother's body while she was bathing. Women who
are about to become mothers must not go into water
while the wind blows at all strongly. The swish of the
waves is due to Numereji. The spirit part of the child
is frightened and leaves the mother's body, hastening
back to its old camping place. The natives say that,
when the body leaves the mother, the spirit sometimes
comes and looks at it, and, at a later time, may go inside
the same woman again.
The Rainbow.
The rainbow is supposed by the Kakadu to be the
Iwaiyu of a Numereji snake. When the latter spits
he makes rain, and says, Ganji Iwaiyu, ngoro muralla,
Iwaiyu ngainma — up above Iwaiyu, go spittle, my Iwaiyu.
It does so in the form of a rainbow which is supposed to
stop the rain. As the natives say, Iwaiyu Numereji
yapunga, kaio kuriaio — (when) Numereji's Iwaiyu comes
out, no rain. The rainbow, when it melts away, is
supposed to go back, underground, to Numereji.
Menstrual Flow
This is called kupara medjaur by the Kakadu natives.
The pain felt by the woman is supposed to be caused by
something that breaks near her heart. First of all the
blood accumulates in a special bag inside, called kuna-
milami. It is when this bursts that the blood flows. At
the first time of menstruation, the girl says to her mother,
Koiyu, munangel, mother, blood. The latter says Mapa,
ngoibu araji, child (put) grass under (you). A quantity
of long grass stalks are cut and the girl sits on them with
X VARIOUS TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS 327
her legs tightly closed. The grass stalks are placed on
the ground under a special bush shade, called Moiai>,
built some little distance away from the camp by the
girl's future husband, who does not, however, as yet go
near to her. She is looked after entirely by her mother
and must not leave the wurley. Fresh supplies of grass
are brought in, but all is kept until the flow has ceased.
If any should by chance touch a man, if he were to put
his foot on it, the foot would soon rot away. When the
flow has ceased the mother brings a leaf basket full of
water and pours the latter over the girl's head while she
is still in the wurley. At the same time she gets some
yellow ochre with which she paints lines on the girl's
body, back and front, and over her eyes. These marks
are called Jebil. This takes place in the afternoon.
Meantime she has told the girl's father that the flow has
ceased, and he tells the girl's future husband to go and
paint her. He, accordingly, adds some marks to those
already on her body and after this goes away. The girl's
mother puts wristlets called Kujorju and armlets on her.
The blood-stained grass has been removed and wrapped
up in paper bark by the old woman, who says to the girl,
kutjali kala mapa ; jereini kuberloairda kupara moiyu ;
kadju jau wariji, which means freely translated, burn it
with fire, my child ; if it gets into the tracks of men
their feet will be sore ; if dogs eat it they will die.
During all the time that the girl is in the wurley she
must have a fire specially made, If she needs one — it
must not be brought from the main camp fire nor must
her food be cooked there. If the smell of any fish or
food cooking at the main camp fire comes to her she
must immediately close her nostrils with grass. Should
she deliberately smell anything cooked at the main camp
fire, then the first child that she bears will be very smaU.
328 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Her mother tells her about this, saying, Mapa ranken
iwaji geeimi ; child put grass inside your nose ; hakra
tjori paloma, bialila inmalauilla ; by and by (if you) smell
fat, child (will be) small. The mother breaks down the
bush wurley, in which the girl has been sitting, and burns
it, together with everything that might possibly have
come in contact with her. After the fire has been made
and has burnt down, the girl puts some of the hot ashes
on her abdomen, makes a small heap of them and sits on
them. She also pushes some right up the vulva, the
idea being, so the natives say, to stop the bleeding. This
is done at the close of every period.
The first menstrual flow is called Kunjoulu which is
the name for a short sharp, wooden pointed spear ; the
second is called Kadji, which is the name for a stone
spear ; the third is called Kormida ; after that it is simply
spoken of as munangel, the ordinary word for blood.
During, and for some time after the first period, all
animal food is strictly kumali. When the girl has
recovered she goes to her future husband's camp, but, for
some time, they sleep apart. Later on, the food restric-
tion is removed.
The natives say that the husband notices that the girl
is growing thin so, one day, he takes a fire stick and
with it he slightly singes the hair under his arm-pit, and
says to her, Ngunkomukali, mareya girongidda ; Ngunko-
mukali (wife), come close up ; pnoinma wingorku koramia,
smell the burnt hair ; mareya wilalu ngainma, come to
my camp ; kutjali ttgai, my fire.
Sticks Given to a Woman when Enceinte.
When it is quite evident that one of the spirit children
has entered a woman, the father of the child first of all
X VARIOUS TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS 329
makes some string out of opossum fur, which he puts
into the little Mela, or bag, that is carried round his neck.
Unless this be done the child will be born blind. Then
he takes some of the sticky material that he procures
from an orchid growing on the trunks of trees and smears
this over a short stick, which he hands to the woman,
saying, ngeinyimma kala bialila, which means, literally,
you all right (or certainly) child, in other words, you have
a child. The stick is called Tjubulinjuboulu (Plate V.,
Fig. 3). It is enclosed in a dilly bag specially made for
it, and in this it is carried about by the lubra, who must
not part with it. She sleeps with it under her head, and
may not talk at night time. It is tightly tied up in the
bag lest it should be lost, in which case the child would
die in the womb, and the father would be very angry, and
punish the woman.
The stick remains in the bag and is carried about until
the child is born, after which it is carefully kept until the
child begins to walk. The father then takes it away from
the woman and hands it to some relative, such as his
brother, telling him to carry it to some camp a long way
off. If, for example, the child were born at Oenpelli, on
the East Alligator River, it will be taken to a place such
as Port Essington, that is, into the country of another
tribe, the Oenpelli people being Kakadu, and the Port
Essington, Iwaidji.
The messenger approaches the camp, carrying the stick
so that it can be seen by the men, who immediately know
what it means, form into a square, and come running up
with their arms extended, shouting Prr! Prr! The mes-
senger shows them the stick, and is then taken into the
camp, where he may remain for a day or two.
After this, the messenger returns, accompanied by
some of the strangers. When they are a little distance
330 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
away from the home camp, where the mother and child
are living, they halt for an hour or two, and are then
invited to come in.
The mother brings the child up to them, having pre-
viously painted a white line across its forehead and lines
of dots across its cheeks and nose. She herself is
decorated in just the same way. The stick is given to the
child, together with diiFerent kinds of dilly bags (buloko
and mela), waist girdles {quiappd), etc., brought by the
visitors, to whom the relatives of the child give spears in
exchange, or, if they have brought spears, then they
receive dilly bags, etc. After this is over, a general cor-
robboree is held.
As yet no name is given to the child, though the father
knows what it is to be. Finally, he takes the stick,
breaks it in pieces, and throws them into a water pool.
Nose Boring.
Amongst the Kakadu natives the operation of boring
through the nasal septum, called mupairma reiyi, is per-
formed by the father, elder brother, or jaidja. It is
conducted when they are young — -at the status of
mulakirri, if a boy, or yingulakirri, if a girl — in either case
the child is not more than ten or twelve years old.
During the operation the patient is told, boy and girl
alike, that he must no longer eat goose, goanna, eagle-
hawk, jabiru, or turtle ; if he were to do so his nose
would rot away. They now point to a man in camp,
named Ungortju, who has lost his nose through disease,
as a striking example of what happens if a boy breaks
the kumali and eats what he should not, like Ungortju
is supposed to have done. It is probable that Ungortju
is perfectly innocent of having infringed any tribal rule,
X VARIOUS TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS 331
but both he himself and everyone else in the camp now
firmly believe him to have been guilty.
During the operation the patient lies down on the
ground with his head on the knees of the operator. As
a boring instrument, the pointed fibula of a kangaroo is
used. This is called yardbi, and, holding it in his right
hand, the operator pulls the septum down with his left
and soon pierces it. The bone is taken out and replaced
by a short length of bamboo. As soon as this is in place
the father says, jauo Kulekuli, eat cat-fish ; koyada Kunembo,
koyada Pitjordu, koyada Karakera, koyada Kulungeni, don't
eat goose, goanna, spur-winged plover, flying fox ; Nanjii
jau mart, eat fish always. In about a month's time the
father tells the boy to go and bathe. He does so, and
softens the wound in his nose so that he can pull out the
bamboo, which he washes, brings back to the camp, and
shows to his father, replacing it by a length of cane
grass.
Beliefs with Regard to Animals.
The willi-wagtail, probably because It is a very friendly
bird, always hopping and twittering about the camp, is
supposed to be especially associated with the natives.
The Margi, or medicine men, of the Kakadu tribe, tell
the latter that the bird is a relative of theirs and that
when they hear it twittering the Yalmuru, or Iwaiyu, of
someone, such as their father or father's brother, is close
at hand and will show them where there is game to be
captured. The Margi says, You will not see anything
but you will feel It, that is the Iwaiyu, inside you.
The Kakadu men have an extraordinary belief In regard
to the mutual behaviour of Goannas (a species of Varanus
lizard) and turtles. They say that a Goanna, or Pitjordu,
332 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
will go out and search around until it smells a turtle that
has burrowed underground. During the dry season, the
small fresh-water and land turtles aestivate in holes that
they hollow out for themselves in the mud around the
margin of a water pool. The ground dries and cracks
above them and here they remain until the next rains fall.
Having smelt a turtle, the Goanna digs it up and then in
some way, so the natives say, persuades it to follow it to
its own hole, which it gives up in favour of the turtle and
retires into another. The time comes when the turtle
lays its eggs and then these are eaten by the Goanna. A
native told me that not long ago he had seen a Goanna
leading a turtle along in this way and had killed them
both. It is probably a myth due to the fact that at some
time a Goanna has been found eating turtle eggs in a
hole where there was also a turtle. The natives, however,
were quite clear on the point.
Sun, Moon, and Stars.
The Waduman call stars, in general, Millijen ; the
evening star they call lUurgan ; the southern cross,
Kamerinji. They are all supposed to be round, white
stones.
In the ancient times, called Jabulunga, the moon was a
man named Kandauuk. He had three dogs called Mad-
burunga, Kajalimbilimbi, and Murtgijina. At first, and
for a long time, he lived in a great cave in a hiU, at a
place called Laguning, far away to the West. When he
died his Yungeba, or spirit,^ went up into the sky and
gave rise to the moon. He also had an old kangaroo
(Jnumbergo) and, with this and his three dogs, he can now
1 In the Waduman tribe the spirit of a hving man is called Yibi ;
that of a dead man, Yungeba.
X VARIOUS TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS 333
be seen in the moon. Full moon is called Igul, half
moon is Idadad and new, or crescent, is Wurdu. Moon-
rise is Tjuinma, moon-set is Yagadjun.
The sun is called Maningeni, or Ngurun, by the
Waduman and Wulgnun by the Mudburra and is supposed
to have been an old woman. When the sun sets it goes
into a hole that leads through the earth— hence the dark-
ness at night. The moon follows the sun in, sometimes
almost directly, sometimes not till the next morning.
Traditions concerning Uruandu, a Snake Man
OF THE MuNGARAI TrIBE.
The snake called Uruanda (or Uruundu) arose, first
of all, at a place far away to the north called Uulu,
where a large Banyan tree arose to mark the spot. He
went down into the ground, travelled away towards the
mouth of the Roper River and then turned back on his
tracks and came out at Dalauung, where there is a water-
pool with a waterfall and a big rock in the middle that
arose to mark the spot. Once more he went down and
came out at a place called Jungun on the Roper River,
where he stood up and looked back at Dalauung and
said, " I am a long way off now ; I will stay here ; this
is my country." A large tree and water hole arose to
mark the spot and he went down into the water.
Travelling on he came to Warrak-Warrak, further to the
west on the Roper River, and from here looked back at
Jungun. Then he went into the ground again and
travelled to Dinyi, a water pool in the Elsey Creek, not
far from the telegraph line. Then he went on to
Gundamir, which lies to the west of the line. Here he
came up above the ground and straightened himself out.
A creek, now called Wry Creek, arose to mark the
334 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
line of his march. He made a round hole, called Uro,
where there Is no water. Leaving the creek, he went
along a stony flat to Daly Waters and then on to
Imumyangun, which is so called because he left his eyes
(Imum) behind him there and went on blind. He lost
his way and went along wandering about until he came
to Jinjindilly, where he found a billabong close to what
is now Delamere Station. Then he travelled to
Waiaramma, where a large tree arose ; then to a small
billabong called Ibululan, where another tree arose.
Here he said, " I have got no eyes, I cannot go any
further." Then he returned to his own country, to
Jaupanna, on the Six Mile Creek, not far from Delamere.
The natives will drink water here but will not bathe ; if
they did they would be caught by a big snake and
dragged under.
Uruanda carried plenty of spirit children, called
mallmall, with him and he also had a number of
Kunapippi, or sacred sticks, but no spirit children were
associated with these, nor was his own spirit part.
Tradition of Namaran, a Thunder Man of the
MuNGARAi Tribe.
On the side of a hill, called Lurudminni, at the base
of which lies the water pool, called Crescent Lagoon by
the whites and Dadba by the natives, there are flat,
table-like outcrops of sandstone on which are a con-
siderable number of what look like pounding holes,
cup-shaped in structure. They are evidently of great
antiquity, and are certainly not used at the present day.
It is indeed difficult to form any surmise as to when
they were made, and what they were used for. They
must be 150 feet above the level of the lagoon, and
Fig. 70. Hoi.KS IN THE Rock supposed to have been hade by a
Thunder Man at Lurudminni.
fTi^^'^ng*
Fig. 71. Bark Belts. Kakadu Tribe.
\_Face page 335.
X VARIOUS TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS 335
there is no special growth of any edible objects in the
district requiring pounding which would account for
their presence. They vary in size from very small
circular depressions, perhaps an inch to two inches in
diameter, and an eighth to half an inch in depth, to
symmetrically-shaped, roughly hemispherical, cup-like
depressions ten to twelve inches in diameter, and six to
eight inches in depth (Fig. 70). On one slab of rock, of
which a portion is represented, measuring about eight
feet in length by four in greatest width, there were nine
holes of various sizes, the smaller ones having evidently
just been begun when the place was abandoned. It is
quite evident from the way in which they are weather-
worn, with slight projecting ridges running all round the
depressions, each one corresponding to the position of a
harder film in the rock, that it is long since they have
been used. The natives know nothing definite about
them. They are clearly of human manufacture, and
strongly call to mind the cup-like structures found in
other parts of the world. I have seen nothing like them
anywhere else in Australia, and they seem to be the work
of a people inhabiting the country before the present
natives came. The latter, at all events, have no know-
ledge of their origin and meaning, and attribute them to
the work of Namaran, the thunder man, who arose in
early times at Lurudminni. He sat down inside the
lagoon at Dadba, which is also called Maiigman
(lightning) by the men, though the women do not know
this name. At the bottom of the pool he hved in a hole
in a great rock, which is called Nanan. He made rain
that filled the lagoon, and used to go in and out of the
stone, where he camped all day. He had plenty of spirit
children with him, and lived at Dadba before there was
any hill called Lurudminni ; in fact, he made this, and it
336 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
was in trying to open up the rock that he made the cup-
like depressions that can now be seen. The rock was too
hard for him, so he went into the water pool again, where
he kept his children, coming out every now and then
to make rain and thunder and lightning.
The thunder man was a Nakomara man, and it is
now only the latter men who dare go far into the water.
The women will get water there, but will not bathe.
During the wet season the old Namaran sits on the top
of the stone, so that half his body is under and half
above water. He keeps plenty of water in the stone,
and every now and then opens it and a lot of water
comes out. Then he says, " That is good ; that is
plenty " ; locks the stone up, and the water ceases
to flow.
If a Ngaritjbellan woman comes and puts her foot in
the water, a spirit child at once goes up her leg into her
body ; if she drinks water it goes in by her mouth and
the child, when born, belongs to the Thunder Totem,
just like the old man.
Tradition of Gulmurlu and His Sons.
An old man named Gulmurlu, a frilled lizard, who
belonged to the sub-class Ngapungari, arose in the
country of the AUaua people and walked across to
Kanbad, now known as Mole's Hill, on the Roper River,
though at that time there was no river. He had two
sons with him. The old man made a beaked boomerang
which, first of all, he threw with the left hand, towards
the east. Then he turned round and threw it with his
right hand towards the west with the result that he there-
by carved out the course of the Roper River which here
takes a very sharp bend. The water then came and
X VARIOUS TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS 337
filled the river bed which he had thus made. At the
same time a great storm of wind swept down upon them,
and the old man and his two sons were swept into the
water. The father and younger son were drowned ; the
elder one just managed to get out. He was very-
sorrowful, and made corrobborees all day long with
Kunapippi, singing, Ngaiaba nabilella, guda inugugari —
I have lost them, which way have you gone ? The old
man went into a rock at the bottom of the water, taking
his spirit children with him. After a time the elder son,
who was very tired, lay down on the bank, pulled out
his penis and testis, and placed them on the ground,
where they can still be seen, turned into stone.^ At
the present day the men make Gulmurlu, or frilled
lizard, corrobborees at this spot.
The old man was Ngapungari, and if a Ngaburella
woman goes to the water to gather lilies one of the
Ngapungari children will go inside her.
Tradition concerning McDougall's Bluff.
An old Warwian (kangaroo) man arose near the
Macarthur River. He travelled over to the country of
the Mungarai people, and made the Roper River and
water holes in the neighbourhood of Burg-burg-mann, or
McDougall's BlufF, which he also made. Travelling on,
he made what is now called Mt. Keys, a prominent white
hill, and also Burmgung, a little round hill to the west of
the former, and there he remained.
The Red Lily Lagoons, further still to the west along
the Roper River, known respectively as Wailyerauan (the
smaller one) and Aramingun (the larger one), were made
' With the consent of the two men who showed me the spot and told
me the tradition, I brought the stones down to Melbourne.
z
338 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
by a large kangaroo man named Kanjilara, who was
a Nakomara. He had spirit children with him, and
these enter Ngaritjbellan women who go to gather lilies in
the lagoon.
Tradition concerning Kulakueungini, a Rainbow
Man of the Nullakun Tribe.
The man arose at a spring on a hill to the east of
Hell's Gates, called Nauurungandingandi, which indeed
he made. He was a Mangaralli man of the rainbow
totem. First of all he stood up, then he lay down on
his stomach. A tree called Ellmalinji arose to mark
the spot where he stood up. Two men from the north
came up. The old man heard the two; he listened,
and it was just like a wind coming up. They came
up and saw the old man sitting by the side of his
spring, which was a small one. They said to him,
" Hallo ! You sit down here." He said, " You two
go away. I am an old man. I stay here." The two
strangers said, " You have only got a little water." He
answered, " All right, it belongs to me." The two men
opened the spring and made it larger, and went away,
leaving the old man angry and growling. They then
went on towards the Hodgson River to Uranua. The
old man had rainbow spirit children and, if the right
mother for a rainbow child comes to drink at the
spring, one of them will go inside her.
Naming of Children.
In the Kakadu tribe every man and woman has two
names, or rather a double name. In ordinary conversa-
tion the individual is usually referred to by the first of
the two only, though sometimes both may be used.
X VARIOUS TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS 339
Examples of these names amongst the men are as
follows : — Kulingepu Kunamullajumbo ; Mukalakki
Ningeniu ; Mupplebara Mariapaleingum ; Murrakoeri
Yokorakorida ; Munmona Murrakumora ; Noroma Lala ;
Kinmorko Karawa ; Mudanga Yerii ; Mindapul Kutoru ;
Ukairi Muduarbulu ; Ngarukorda Unkorpu ; Ungara
Arai ; Chilongogo Areyi ; Muriwallauwill Naroma ;
Namijeya Apperakul ; Miniamaka Numerialmak ;
Nulwoiyu Niyaudadijeri.
Examples amongst the women are as follows : — Murra-
purnmini Yarrawaiika ; Kumerakan Maraonbi ; Wareiya
Montoquialla ; Mangul Kumerangbukara ; Kudauu
Ungmerierigari ; Buruwongu Umerumparengi ; UUoa
Nolerupungeini ; Tjeroboilu Muriiwapungen ; Mudin-
geyia Korominjil; Mitchinga Alumberapa.
In rare cases, such as that of a man, Oberdopu,
one of Pundmunga's children, an individual has only one
name.
These names are those which were originally given to
the first series of ancestors and have been passed on,
unchanged, from generation to generation. If they ever
had any special meaning, all trace of this has been lost and
the present-day native can only say that he has a particular
name because his old ancestor was given that name by
Imberombera, or by someone else acting under her
instructions.
There is a curious little ceremony concerned with the
naming of a child. When it can walk, the natives
assemble in their camp, into which a bundle of spears has
been brought and laid on the ground. The father and
mother sit at one end of the spears, the natives in a semi-
circle at the other. An elder brother of the child, a
mother's brother or a mother's brother's son takes him by
the hand and leads him from amongst the men and
z 2
340 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
women to where his father and mother are seated. The
former, in the presence of the whole camp, then says,
"Your name is So-and-so," giving him both of his names
at once. After this the spears are presented to the
father.
There is not, so far as I could find out, any secret
name given to men and women in this tribe. In the
Arunta, where such names are always given, they are
those of old ancestors of whom the living native is sup-
posed to be the reincarnation. Each individual has, in
addition, some ordinary name by which he or she is
addressed. This name may be that of a natural object
or place, or may have no special meaning, but it is quite
distinct from the ancestral name which, indeed, is only
known to the old men of the group to which each
individual belongs. In the Arunta tribe a man does not
know his secret name until he is well grown up, and the
women never know theirs. These secret names are only
mentioned in whispers and are the most difficult things
to find out. In the Kakadu, on the other hand, the old
ancestral names, the exact equivalents of the secret ones
in the Arunta, are in everyday use.
In addition to the ordinary names, many individuals
have what we should call nicknames. One man, for
example, is called pierda kutjeri, which means very ill,
on account of the fact that he always is more or less ill ;
another, because of his plumpness, is called niandil juri,
which means good grease, fat, or jizice. They are equally
fond, also, of applying nicknames to white men. There
was one of the latter with a most prominent nose and
also a strikingly long neck ; he is known amongst them
as Brutpenniweir — the native name for the Jabiru or
stork. Another, who always makes a mess of anything
that he tries to do, is called Benagra-benagra, which is
X VARIOUS TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS 341
the name of a dry, everlasting plant that is not good to
eat ; it is also very thin and scraggy, like its namesake.
It is only in the Kakadu and allied tribes that a double
name is met with. In all others, such as the Waduman
and Mudburra, each individual has one name. In these
two tribes, for example, we meet with names for men, such
as Waljakula, Tjaluk, Iblongwa, Katata, Ngaraman,
Willan ; and for women, such as Karinian, Kangulk,
Ujibinma, Unaianda, Tjitjinga, Inoma. They have no
meaning known to the natives and are in everyday use.
There does not appear to be any secret names.
CHAPTER XI
FOOD RESTRICTIONS
Restrictions amongst members of the Kakadu tribe. — Boys and
youths. — Women during pregnancy. — Husband. — Young
men passing through Ober and Jamba ceremonies. — Removal
of restrictions. — Young man giving food to his mother. —
Special restrictions in regard to the snake Kuljoanjo. —
Restrictions amongst the Port Essington natives.
In probably all Australian tribes there are, under
normal conditions, very definite restrictions in regard to
the eating of particular foods by individuals at different
ages or under special conditions, such as those attendant,
more especially, on child-bearing. In many cases the
object of these restrictions is very evidently that of re-
serving the best food for the elder men and women, but
in others it is difficult to assign any adequate reason. In
some instances it is quite possible that, for example, a
woman, while bearing a child, may once have eaten some
special food and have, afterwards, been seriously ill.
That, in itself, would be quite enough reason for a
restriction to be placed on that particular food in regard
to all women in the same condition.
Nothing shows more clearly than these food restrictions
do, the way in which the life of a native is hedged in with
arbitrary rules that must be obeyed, often at the peril of
CH. XI FOOD RESTRICTIONS 343
his life. To the casual onlooker the native may appear
to live a perfectly free life ; in reality he does nothing of
the kind ; indeed, very much the reverse.
The following are the restrictions amongst the
members of the Kakadu tribe, and they may be taken as
fairly typical of all tribes : —
Those of the first series are concerned with boys and
young men at various ages. When a child is very young
there are no restrictions, though, of course, the parents
take care that, for his own sake, he does not have the
chance of eating certain very special things, such as a
Kuljoanjo snake, which has a very special tabu, or kumali,
associated with it. There are certain foods, such as these,
that no child is likely to have the opportunity of eating,
because its parents may not do so.
After the boy has passed through the Ningerl stage,
when he is initiated and becomes a Numulakirri, he
reaches a status during which — and it may extend over
some years — he is much hampered in his choice of food.
He may not eat the following extensive series of animals
and plants : —
Tjunara (a yam) ; Kulori (a yam) ; Gunumaramila (a
pounded yam) ; Pitjordu (Goanna lizard) ; Narenma (a
snake) ; Kuljoanjo (a snake) ; Tiradjuno (a water snake) ;
Munmarner (a snake) ; Ngabadaua (a snake) ; Kalerungeni
(flying fox); Murno (female opossum); Jimeribunna
(native companion) ; Brutpenniweir (Jabiru) ; Kopereipi
(emu) ; Karakera (spur-winged plover) ; Kulabaga (pied
egret) ; Kupulapuli (white crane) ; Kudjalinga (female
turtle) ; Yinganga (small species of crocodile) ; Munde-
benbo (native turkey) ; Mangortji (wedge-tailed eagle) ;
Eyenbumbo (fish hawk) ; Miriwidjonga (quail) ;
Kopereipi Iwaiji (emu eggs); Korunokadju (wild
dog).
344 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
He is allowed to eat the following : —
Murora (a small wallaby) ; lily seeds, roots, etc., which
form the staple vegetable diet of the natives ; Mormo (a
sugar-bag) ; Murno (male opossum) ; Kudjalinga (male
turtle); Eribinjori (large crocodile); Kimberikara (Bar-
ramunda fish) ; Kulelculi (cat-fish) ; and also all pigeons,
ducks, and geese, with their eggs.
There is a curious restriction, the meaning of which
the natives do not know, in regard to a dog and a goanna.
If a dog catches a goanna (a species of lizard belonging to
the genus Varanus) no boy or young man may eat it. If
he were to do so, it would result in his having very
severe pains in his back, and his fingers would rot away.
The kumali, or tabu, may be removed by an old man,
who, for this purpose, takes the bones of a goanna that
has been caught by a dog. He pounds them up and
puts them in the middle of a special yam (Gunumaramila),
which itself must be pounded, and hands it to the young
man to bite.
There are certain food restrictions that apply to women
at difFerent periods of their life, more especially during
child-bearing. They are as follows : —
(i) During the early stages of pregnancy she may not
eat Jimeribunna (native companion) ; Brutpenniweir
(Jabiru) ; Karakera (spur-winged plover) ; Kalerungeni
(flying fox) ; Kulawura (jungle-fowl) ; Tjikali (wood
grub) ; Kintjilbara (rock snake).
The penalties for eating these are as follows : — Jimeri-
bunna, the child is born with yaws ; Brutpenniweir, the
child is born with a sore nose and mouth ; Karakera, the
child has sores under its arms ; Kalerungeni, the child
has sore feet and tongue, and, if a boy, its penis is
abnormal; Kulawura, a spirit is supposed to take the
child away and bury it in the mound nest of a jungle
XI FOOD RESTRICTIONS 345
bird; Tjilcali, the child has scabs all over its body;
Kintjilbara, the navel string becomes twisted round the
child, and it dies in the womb.
(2) During the latter stages of pregnancy she may not
eat Pitjordu (goanna) ; Kunaitja (mullet) ; Mudburra-
burra (native cat) ; Gunumaramila (pounded yam) ;
Eribinjori (crocodile) ; Yinganga (small crocodile).
The penalties for eating these are as follows ; Pitjordu,
the lubra, gets severe pains in her stomach ; Kunaitja,
the mouth of the child grows out like that of the fish ;
Mudburraburra, the child is born with spots all over it
like those of a native cat ; Gunumaramila, the child has
yaws ; Eribinjori and Yinganga, the child will fall into a
water hole and be drowned.
During the whole period, also, the woman must not eat
anything that is cooked in a -peindi, or native oven, that is,
a hole in the ground, in which stones are heated on the
fire and the food is cooked by placing it upon them,
covering them with paper bark or leaves and then piling
the earth on. Everything she eats must be cooked at an
ordinary fire or kutjali.
In the Kakadu the restrictions on the husband of the
woman are just the same as those for the woman until
the child is born, after which he is free to eat anything
that the men do who are not Murabulba, that is, very old.
(3) After the child is born, and while it is young, the
woman must not drink out of a deep water hole, the
water must not reach above her knees ; the husband tells
the woman that she must not break this rule or the child
will die. Also, she must not eat fish out of a deep water
hole. They believe that if the child were to see its
mother drinking out of a deep water hole its spirit would
immediately leave its body, run to the water hole, and be
drawn under and swallowed up by a Numereji snake. If,
346 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
by any chance, the mother breaks the rule, the father,
mother, and child, accompanied by a medicine man, go to
the water hole. The father gives the mother a little
water in a bark basket. The spirit of the child is
attracted, comes up, and is caught by the medicine man,
who alone can see it. He immediately places it in the
mother's head, from which it passes down into her breast
and the child, who is at once put to the breast, drinks
it in with its mother's milk, or Kumilungornu. If the
father finds out, when the woman is away, that she has
been drinking at a deep water hole, he will at once go to
the latter with a medicine man, who catches the spirit and
places it in the father, from whom it is supposed to pass,
at a later time, into the mother also, and, by way of her
breast, into the child.
In the case of the mother all the restrictions are in
force until the child has finished suckling. There is
no ceremony when they are withdrawn.
The restrictions with regard to young men who are
passing through the Ober and Jamba ceremonies have
been already described in connection with these. While
they are in progress the women may not eat the follow-
ing : Pitjordu (goanna) ; Miniorko (bandicoot) ; all kinds
of snakes ; Biaka (wallaby) ; Mitjiborla (wallaroo, a
kangaroo) ; Jeruober (old man kangaroo) ; Erlaungerla
(echidna) ; Mudburraburra (native cat) ; Nabapungeni
(black kangaroo) ; Monmorlpa (a large rat) ; Marabornji
(brush-tailed wallaby); sugar-bags of all kinds; Tjunara
(a yam) ; Gunumaramila (a yam) : Kimberikara (Barra-
munda fish) ; Kunaitju (mullet) ; Kudjalinga (female
turtle) ; Tjilaka (mud cod) ; Tjimidaba (a long-nosed
fish) ; geese and ducks.
They are allowed to eat Murno (opossum); yams,
such as Mornun and Kulijidbo; lily seeds and roots of
XI FOOD RESTRICTIONS 347
all kinds ; Kulekuli (cat-fish) ; Baralil and Tjameru
(small fish) ; Kudjalinga (male turtle).
I have already referred to the removal of certain food
restrictions that take place in the moiab, or shade house,
at the close of the Kulori ceremony, but, though this
removal largely widens the food supply of the older men,
it does not afFect one or two special animals, the kumali
in regard to which is very strict. There is, for example,
a carpet snake, called Kintjilbara, that no Kulori man
may touch until special permission has been given to
him. An old man goes out into the bush, kills one
of the snakes, and brings it back into the men's camp.
He calls them up, saying, Kulori jereini, breida ge, Kulori
men, come all of you ; Kintjilbara jereba yinamba (if it
be a female), para (if it be a male), jump over the
Kintjilbara. The men all do this, one after the other.
This finished, the old man says, jauidda kulori jereini
Kintjilbara, all you Kulori men eat Kintjilbara. An
earth oven, or peindi, is then made, and the snake
cooked in it on the hot stones. When ready to be eaten
it must be torn up by the teeth of an old man. Each
Kulori man has a little piece of Tjali (flesh), paloma (fat),
and benogra (bones) given to him, and is thereby made
free of the animal. The old man, after the ceremony,
removes a Winbegi, or small armlet, from each of the men.
Up till such time as a man is Kulori, he may not give
any of the foods that are prohibited to him to his mother.
After passing through that ceremony he may, but he has
first to observe a special condition. If he secures, for
example, a bird such as a Karakera (spur-winged plover),
he takes it to his father, when the latter is in camp along
with his (the young man's) mother. He says. Papa,
Karakera Koiyu ngainma jau, Father, does my mother eat
Karakera .'' The father says, ngeinyimma Koiyu wo, give
348 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
it to your mother. The son says, ngai Koiyu wo, I give
it to my mother, and does so. The mother says to the
father, that is, her husband, ngainma kumali, this is my
kumali, or this is kumali to me. The father says to her,
jau-u kala, murrawarra kulori tanbuma, eat, all right, the
great kulori is finished. Then he says to his son.
ngeinyimma jau koyada wo Makorngo, Illaberiy don't give
food to your sisters or younger brothers ; koiyu kala jau
umba wo, give food all right to your mother ; kala moara,
it is finished all right. Then he says to the lubras in
camp,y«a umba ge, eat it all of you.
There is another snake, called Kuljoanjo, to which also
much the same restrictions apply. It may only be eaten
by really old men. One of the older men, named
Mukalakki, told us how narrowly he escaped with his
life, after eating some of the snake when he was younger,
though it was quite innocently done, on his part. The
severe illness that resulted from his disobeying the
Kumali law, took place, as nearly as we could calculate,
fifteen years after he had eaten the forbidden snake.
Mukalakki was out in the bush with another young man,
named Murukambul, who caught a Kuljoanjo. The
latter of the two men knew what it was, but he did not
tell Mukalakki, who thought it was another kind of
snake. Murukambul handed it to Mukalakki who
cooked it, and then Murukambul told him to eat it and
replied, when Mukalakki urged him to have some. No, I
will go to the other camp. There was an old man there,
named Mudorna, who also ate some and then he and
Mukalakki took some of the paloma (fat) to a very old
man who ate it and licked his lips as he did so, because
the fat is very good indeed. He noticed, however, that
Mukalakki had been eating it and said to him, ameina
ngeinyimma jau kumali ? why have you eaten kumali ?
XI FOOD RESTRICTIONS 349
ngeinyimma illauilla, you are a little man ; Kuljoanjo (this
is) Kuljoanjo ; ngeinyimma kutjeri murrawarra, you will be
very ill. Mukalakki was very frightened when he found
out what he had done and said to the old man, ameina;
ngai wariji ? what is it ; shall I die ? The old man
answered, owoi, kutjeri ngeinyimma pari, wariji, yes, by and
by you (will be) very ill, (you will) die. Nothing happened
for a long time, but fifteen years later, Mukalakki had a
terrible time which he described very graphically to us.
He was feeling very bad indeed and an old medicine man
said to him ameina jau, ngeinyimma kutjeri, what have
you eaten (to make) you ill ? Mukalakki remembered
what the old man had told him long ago and he answered,
Kuljoanjo. Then the old doctor said, umhordera wariji —
to-day you die. He was very ill then but, as the day
wore on, he became much worse and, at night, it took
three men to keep him down, one on his head and one
on each leg. The spirit, or Iwaiyu, of Kuljoanjo had
twisted itself round inside his body and, every now and
then, came out through his forehead, rattled its teeth and
hissed and looked straight into his eyes. It was terri-
fying. The natives, realising the gravity of the case,
had sent away to a place, called Oenpelli, fourteen miles
away, for a special, celebrated medicine man, named
Morpun, who fortunately happened to be reincarnated at
that time. He came post haste, walking and running the
w^iole way, without once stopping. All day long the
men and women had sat on Mukalakki, trying to keep
him quiet, but it was just as much as they could do. He
was all tied up with the Iwaiyu and shuddered and
shivered all over when the snake shook himself. The
lubras first of all and, later on, the men as well, did their
best to keep Kuljoanjo quiet, but he kept overpowering
them and shaking Mukalakki to pieces.
350 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
At length Morpun, the great medicine man, arrived.
For a while he stood silently, some distance off, watching
Mukalakki. First he ordered the women to go away, a long
way ofF. Mukalakki sat up. Once more the snake came
out of his forehead and looked into his eyes but, at that
moment, Morpun, who had come close up, made a sudden
snatch at it and caught its head. No one but himself and
Mukalakki could see it. He held it very firmly and
carefully unwound it from Mukalakki's body. When he
had done this successfully, he rolled the snake up in his
hands and put it in his dilly bag, called Nunguluwara,
and, after staying in camp for one night, went back to his
own country, taking the spirit of the Kuljoanjo with him.
He put it in a water hole, right away amongst the Ranges,
saying to it, tjukoro ngai wilalu, lie down in my camp ;
koyada wagai, don't go back ; tjikara onji jereini, which
means, language (or talk) other men. To talk another
language is the equivalent of saying that you are in
another part of the country. The medicine man was
telling Kuljoanjo to stay in his, Morpun's, country.
As soon as ever the snake was removed, Mukalakki
felt immensely relieved. He perspired profusely, went
to sleep and woke up all right in the morning. Since
then Kuljoanjo has never troubled him again, but he had
a great fright and everyone knows that, if it had not been
for Morpun removing the snake, he must have died;
, and Morpun was the only man who could do this.
Amongst the Port Essington natives no young girl
may eat turkey, kangaroo, turtle eggs, or turtle unless
the latter be given to her by an old man. She may eat
yams so long as the leaves are green but not when they
are dried up, that is, she may eat them when they are
small and forming, but not when they are ripe.
A woman when enceinte does not eat goanna, bandicoot,
XI FOOD RESTRICTIONS 351
emu, or turkey. If she were to eat any of them the
child would be born thin and lean-looking. She may
eat kangaroo and turtle eggs. There are certain yams
along the banks or creeks and billabongs that must not be
eaten. The husband of the woman eats goannas, but they
must be fat, not lean, and the same holds good for
bandicoots, but opossum or emu he must not touch.
This applies to the first two or three times when his wife
is enceinte ; after he has two or three children these
particular restrictions are removed.
CHAPTER XII
WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS
Stone hatchets and knives. — Nature of stone weapon is determined
primarily by that of the material available. — Spears ; various
types. — Clubs and throwing sticks ; various types. — Spear
throwers. — Bags and baskets ; various types. — Trumpets. —
Fire making and cooking. — Challenge sticks. — Rasp. —
Spindle. — Fan. — Corrobboree wand. — Boats.
There is much similarity amongst the more important
weapons and implements made and used by the mainland
tribes in the Northern Territory, and most of them
have been fully described already by various writers.
The most characteristic weapons are (i) stone hatchets
and picks, the latter of which do not apparently extend
farther north than, approximately, Daly Waters, (2) stone
knives, (3) spears, either wooden- or bone-barbed or stone-
headed, (4) spear throwers of various forms, and (5)
fighting sticks or clubs.
Stone Hatchets and Knives.
At the present day it is not common to meet with
stone hatchets except amongst the tribes in far outlying
parts, and these are so wild that white men very seldom
come in contact with them. For very many years past, the
natives, partly through intercourse with whites, and
CH. XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 353
partly, along the seaboard, through intercourse with
Malays and others, have been well acquainted with the
use of iron. Amongst the Northern Central tribes, we
have previously described in detail the nature and manu-
facture of their stone hatchets, picks and knives,^ and,
in all important respects, what we wrote concerning
these tribes is true of those with which I am now deal-
ing. As I have pointed out before, the terms Eolithic,
Palaeolithic and Neolithic have no meaning whatever
when used in connection with culture stages or periods
in reference to Australia.
The one thing that stands out clearly, is that the nature
of the stone weapon, or implement, used by an Austra-
lian aboriginal is determined, primarily, by the nature of
the material available. If he lives where he can secure
only quartzite, or some such rock, then he makes chipped
and flaked implements. These may be as crude as the
crudest so-called Palaeolithic implements, or they may be
as beautifully and delicately chipped as the finest arrow
heads found in European prehistoric collections. If he
lives where he can secure diorite and rocks of that nature,
then he grinds his stone implements and, if he lives
where he can obtain both quartzite and diorite, then he
makes flaked, chipped and ground implements, just
according to what material lies handiest. It is no
uncommon thing, or was not until the Northern Central
tribes came into contact with foreigners, to find one man
carrying with him, at one and the same time, a ground
and hafted stone axe, a flaked pick, a flaked stone knife,
and a few small, crudely flaked, or perhaps flaked and
chipped stones. He might even have also a beautifully
chipped spear-head and, at the same time, you would find
him using in camp a stone that he had just picked up
' Northern Tribes of Central Australia, Chap, xxiii., p. 633.
A A
354 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
and roughly flaked to serve some passing need. Some,
indeed, of their stone implements are so crude that, if found
fossil, they would only be recognised as being of human
manufacture by those who have had personal experience
of the Australian aboriginal, and have actually seen him
at work, and even then in many cases it would be difficult
to be absolutely sure.
It is not, I think, too much to say that we can now,
amongst Australian stone implements, find parallels for
all the various types that have been described elsewhere,
and the interesting feature is that they all exist and either
now are, or until very recently have been, in use side by
side.
Tribes like the Larakia, Worgait, Warrai and others
have practically no stone weapons left. They use iron or,
perhaps, if they do not happen to have a white man's
knife or hatchet with them, they may use a flaked stone
which is thrown aside as soon as it has served its
temporary purpose.
Amongst the less contaminated tribes of the interior,
hatchets, knives and picks are still met with, though, yearly,
in decreasing numbers. Amongst the coastal tribes two
influences have been at work tending to lessen the
importance of stone cutting Implements. In the first
place the natives have, for long years past, secured a
certain supply of iron hatchets and knives from Malays
and others visiting the northern coasts of Australia
in search of trepang and tortoiseshell. In the second
place they have found that shells, such as a large species
of Cyrena, very common on Melville and Bathurst
Islands, make admirable cutting and scraping tools. The
result is that stone implements of all kinds are now
comparatively rare.
On Plate XII. four specimens of hafted stone axes
S 7^
c <
re
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 355
are illustrated which are interesting because of their
crudeness. Figs, i, 2 and 3 are from the Kakadu tribe
on the Alligator River. In the first specimen the stone
is evidently a naturally wedge-shaped pebble of diorite.
It measures six and three-quarter inches in length, three
in greatest width and, in thickness, diminishes from one
and a quarter inches to three-quarters of an inch just
above the cutting edge. The latter has been worked on
both sides. In the second and third the stone is also a
diorite pebble. The second has evidently had chips
knocked ofF the side which lies to the right in the figure,
and both surfaces, close to the cutting edge, have been
ground to a slight extent. The third has one surface
left in its natural condition, the one seen in the figure has
been roughly worked and there is just a slight, but only
a very slight, indication of grinding close around the
cutting edge. In each of these three specimens, the
handle has the form of a bent withy, passing round close
to the wider end of the stone, which, together with the
withy, is enclosed in a mass of beeswax.
Fig. 4, which came from Melville Island, represents
the crudest hafted axe that I have ever seen in Australia.^
It is simply a roughly shaped block of ferruginous sand-
stone, measuring six and a half inches in length, four
and a quarter in width, and two and a quarter in greatest
thickness. It has been very roughly flaked so as to
reduce it to its present shape and to form, also, what
must have been a very unserviceable cutting edge, but
there has been no attempt at grinding. It is the only
example, that I have seen in Australia, of a hafted axe
which has been flaked and not ground. The withy passes
' Unless the extraordinary, roughly shaped little blocks of granite,
hafted in resin and formerly made by certain West Australian natives,
can be called axes.
A A 2
356 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
almost round the centre of the stone, to which it is
attached by kafei, that is a hard, brittle resin, derived
from the root of the ironwood tree (Leschenhaultia sp.),
the two halves being tightly bound together by strips of
bark.
Spears.
In regard to spears there is very considerable variety.
Most of the types, however, that are met with in the
Northern Territory have been already described and are
well known.'' We have previously described eleven types
as follows : —
(i). The heavy unbarbed spear of the Arunta tribe,
with flattened blade.
(2). The barbed spear of the Arunta, peculiar to this
tribe and the Luritja.
(3). The unbarbed spear of the Arunta with separate,
flattened, head and shaft.
(4). Single-pronged, multi-barbed spears, with the barbs
on one side only. The shaft distinct from the head and
made of either light or heavy wood.
(5). Single- pronged, multi-barbed spears, with shafts
of light wood or reed. The barbs are arranged along
two or more sides of the head.
(6). Multi-pronged, multi-barbed spears, with shafts of
light wood or reed.
(7). Unbarbed spear, with single, flattened, wooden
point attached to a reed shaft.
(8). Stone-headed spear, with the head made of flaked
quartzite and the shaft of reed.
1 Cf. Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes, p. 670. Etheridge, Macleay
Mem. Vol. Linn. Sac. N.S.W., 1893. Stirling, -i??/. Horn Expd., Pt. 4,
PI. 5. Basedow, Trans. R.S., S.A., Vol. xxxi., and /./?. Anthr. Inst,
Vol. xliii. 191 3.
i
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 357
(9) Stone-headed spear, with the head made of chipped
slate and the shaft of reed.
(10). Stone-headed spear with the head made of
chipped opalescent quartzite. The main part of the
shaft is of reed, on to which a short length of hard wood
is hafted.
(11). Short, light spears, with a thin tapering point of
hard wood and a reed shaft, used for spearing fish.
(12). The single-pronged hafted, bone-tipped spear,
called /ikru by the Kakadu (Plate XIII., Fig. 2).
(13). The four-pronged, hafted, bone-tipped spear,
called Kujorju by the Kakadu (Plate XIII., Fig. 3).
To these we may now add the following types : —
(14). Single-pronged, long, unbarbed and unshafted
spear, round and pointed ; the Wallunka of the Melville
and Bathurst Island natives (Plate XIII., Fig. i).
(15). The single- pronged, unhafted, heavy spear, with
barbs on one side only, called Aunurgitj on Melville
Island (Plate XIV., Figs. 8, 9, 10, and 11).
(16). The single-pronged, unhafted, heavy spear, with
barbs on both sides, called 'Tjunkuktti on Melville Island
(Plate XV).
(17). The double-pronged, unhafted, unbarbed, heavy
spear on Melville Island (Plate XIII., Fig. 5).
(18). The double-pronged, unhafted, barbed heavy spear
on Melville Island (Plate XIII., Fig. 4).
(19). The short, reed hafted, sharp wooden-pointed
spear, called Kunjolio by the Kakadu.
In June, 1911, on Melville Island, I saw, for the first
time, the remarkable spears that are characteristic of this
and Bathurst Island, and again, in 1912, saw many more
of the same type, and also one or two new and interesting
types, amongst the Kakadu and allied tribes. In all the
latter the commonest spear is type 4, as described above.
3S8 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
It is not actually made by the Kalcadu natives, but by a
tribe called Kuluunglutji, who trade it to the former in
exchange for another special form of spear called Kunjolio
There are two forms — the ordinary barbed spear called
Irpull and the curious one in which the barbs are in-
dicated, but, though a series of holes is cut through the
blade, the edge of the latter is left intact. This is called
Teripul, or Mikul, by the Kakadu, and is not uncommonly
met with in the tribes inhabiting the country on the Gulf
of Capentaria and along the northern coast. The spear,
type 5, with barbs along each side, is also common, and
is called Mitjupali.
A new form that I had not seen before is represented
in Plate XIII., Fig. 2. It is called Jiboru. Its total
length is nine feet eight inches, the greater part of which
consists of a thin shaft of hard wood only, at most, three-
quarters of an inch in diameter. At the handle end there
is a short length of reed or bamboo measuring twelve
inches and made so that the point of a spear thrower can
be fitted into it. At the opposite end there is a single
sharpened bone, which projects for an inch and a quarter
from a small mass of hard kapei, that is, the resin derived
from the root of the ironwood tree.
Amongst the Kakadu, Geimbio, Umoriu, and Iwaidji
tribes there is one special form of spear peculiar, so far
as I am aware, to this part of the country. It is called,
by the Kakadu, Kujorju, or Kumbata, and is shown in
Plate XIII., Fig. 3. The total length is only five feet
three inches. It consists, essentially, of four prongs of
hard wood, and a short length of bamboo, into which they
are inserted. The prongs are free for just three feet.
From this point downwards towards the handle they
are arranged around a central stick, immediately above
which a pad of paper bark is inserted between the prongs.
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 359
which are then bound tightly round outside for four
inches, first with banyan bark string and then with
split cane. As the natives say, ranken araji, bori ganji,
that is, paper bark inside, string outside. The result is
that, as shown in the figure, the prongs are divergent at
their free ends. Beyond the split cane the four prongs
and central stick are uncovered, then comes a length of
bamboo measuring twelve inches, into which they are
inserted, fitting tightly. For some six inches the upper
part of the bamboo is wound round with banyan string,
evidently to prevent it from splitting, as the pressure is
considerable. Each prong ends in a sharp pointed bone,
an inch long, projecting from a rounded mass of kapei
resin. This special form of spear is never decorated with
colour and is mainly used for catching fish and the large
fresh-water snake, called Tiradjuno, of which the natives
are very fond.
A third type is called Kunjolio and is made especially
by the Kakadu. It is only a small one, usually not
longer than about five feet, but is much the most danger-
ous one when thrown by an expert native. It has a
sharp end, tapering almost to a needle point, called
mageriyu and made out of a hard wood known as ainya,
a species of Acacia. The shaft is of marlu, or bamboo,
coloured with kuderi, the ordinary red ochre. A few
inches at the lower end may have resin put round it
coloured with nungorli, the burnt red ochre. It always
has a hole, called munjan jil, into which the spear thrower
fits. This is, really, though small and light, only weigh-
ing a few ounces, the most effective weapon that the
Kakadu native possesses. It can be hurled with great
speed and accuracy of aim, and has wonderful penetrating
power.
The spears made by the Melville and Bathurst Islanders
36o NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
are remarkable by reason of their, relatively, ponderous
weight and size, and also because of their characteristic
decorations. They might better be described as javelins.
They are all made of wood, and amongst the many scores
that I have seen and handled, there has not been a single
hafted one, though there are indications, on some, that
hafting may have been once employed. At the present
day each is made out of a single piece of wood, and may
be divided into five groups, or types, a representative
series of which is illustrated in Plates XIII., XIV. and XV.
The first consists of a simple long, round, unbarbed and
sharply pointed stick. (PI. XIII., Fig. i.) This particular
specimen measures eight feet four inches in length, and
for about one-third of its length is ornamented with
alternating bands of white, yeUow, and red, otherwise it
is perfectly plain and simple. The second consists of
single pronged spears with barbs on one side only. They
seldom measure less than ten feet in length. There
are two kinds of single barbed spears, though to a
certain extent they merge into one another. In one
kind, as seen in Plate XIV., Figs, i, 2, 3, 6, and 7, the
barbs are relatively small and, more or less, widely
separated from one another. The Melville Island name
for these is Wallunka. The one represented in Fig. i
is exceptionally short, measuring only seven feet seven
inches in length, and only three-quarters of an inch in
diameter. The barbs, of which there are nine altogether,
only extend for a distance of seventeen inches from the
end. The decorations consist of broad bands of white
and red with much narrower ones of yellow. The one
represented in Fig. 2 is much the same except that it
measures ten feet three inches in length. Fig. 6 shows
a somewhat different form. It measures eleven feet
five inches in length and has nine barbs, the point of
j
NO'^' Loojr^ cDij> Q. ~
i
I
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 361
the last barb being twenty-two inches from the tip.
This is succeeded by a length of seven inches, the
surface of which, corresponding in position to the barbs,
is marked by fourteen serrations. The decoration is
very distinctive and is of the type more clearly seen in
Fig. 10 and again in Fig. 5 on Plate XXXVI.
The background of the whole of the barbed part is
black. There is a white line along each side ; alternate
barbs are crossed by white and yellow lines and there is
a definite pattern of the same along the back of the
barbed part. The remainder of the spear is decorated
with broad bands of white, red and yellow.
Specimens such as those shown in Figs. 4 and 5 lead
on to the second series of the single-barbed forms. The
barbs increase in size and are placed more closely together.
Figs. 8, 9, 10 and 11 may be regarded as typical of this
form of spear which is called Aunurgitch. The one
represented in Fig. 4 measures ten feet six inches in
length. There are twenty-one barbs, the point of the
first is nine inches, and that of the last forty-six inches
from the tip. The greatest width across the barbs is two
inches and the longest barb measures four and three-
quarter inches. Each one, in shape, is very much like a
scale on a pine cone. It is attached to the blade of the
spear by a very thin flattened stalk which swells out into
a thicker part with a very distinct ridge leading to the
point.
In Fig. 10 we have a very characteristic form. It
measures eleven feet five inches in length and has nine-
teen barbs, the point of the last one being fifty-two inches
from the tip of the spear. The last barb has a total length
of ten inches. Immediately beyond the barbs there is a
length of four inches where the blade is flattened from
side to side and ornamented with serrations ; beyond this
362 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
again there is a length of three inches wound round with
vegetable fibre string. This is very suggestive indeed of
hafting, in fact, in the case of any ordinary spear from the
mainland, the binding round with string in this part might
safely be taken as a proof of hafting. The decoration of
this specimen, also, is very characteristic. The ground
work of the blade is black, the barbs are some of them black
with red bands and white spots, others are red with white
bands, others are black with white bands. In essential
features it is similar to the coloured illustration, Fig. 5
on Plate XXXVI. Fig. 11, which has a total length of
nine feet five inches, is a very good example of the type
called, by the Melville Islanders, Aunurgitch. There are
twenty-nine barbs, long, thin and close set, occupying a
length of forty-two inches back from the tip of the spear,
which tapers to a very sharp point just ten inches in front
of the first barb. The whole of the surface in each of the
three upper spears is marked with fine longitudinal grooves,
right from the tip to the end of the handle. In some of
the spears only the head end is grooved, the shaft being
scraped ; in others the whole surface is scraped. In most
the shaft has been more or less carefully straightened, if
it was not so to begin with, by heating it over a slow fire,
but, in some cases, as in that of Fig. 9, the terminal third
is very twisted and crooked. In all cases the handle end
tapers to a point, and there is no indication of a hole for
the insertion of a spear thrower, the use of which is not
known, so far as I could ascertain, on either Melville or
Bathurst Island.
A third, very characteristic, type is represented by the
specimens shown on Plate XV. They are called
Tjunkuletti, on Melville Island, and are cut out of the
solid, various forms of wood being employed. The
three upper ones are in process of manufacture out of
IS
/« /i ;i\
V 'm i
wot.- I
i
I
i
I
xn WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 363
iron wood and show the manner in which the barbs are
cut. The surface was so smooth that at first I thought
they must be cut by a knife, but this was not so. The
native whom 1 watched at work had no knife but used
the sharp edge of a bivalve shell (Cyrena sp.), which is
very abundant on the coast, and forms a most excellent
cutting implement. He first of all carefully incised lines,
indicating the outline of a barb, and then cut deeper and
deeper until the barb was completely outlined. It was a
work of infinite patience, and yet they readily parted with
these spears for a stick or two of tobacco.
Fig. 4 was relatively a short one, measuring ten feet.
It has fifteen barbs on each side, arranged, as is the case
in all these spears, quite symmetrically on either side the
middle line. The greatest width across the barbs, which
are, relatively, flat, broad and short, is four inches. The
whole surface has been smoothed, and it will be noticed
that immediately beyond the barbs there is a length of
two and a half inches tied round with string, which has
been covered with beeswax and then whitened, exactly
as if the head were hafted on to the shaft. By means of
the scheme of colour decoration the barbs are divided into
three successive series, lying one behind the other. The
tip end of the spear is red, a central line of the same
colour extending down the middle to the imitation haft-
ing. On one side the successive series are yellow, white,
yellow ; on the other they are white, yellow, white, this
alternation of colours being eminently characteristic of the
decorative schemes of the islanders. The dark cross lines
are red.
The spear represented in Fig. 5 measures twelve feet
one inch. There are only eleven barbs on each side,
which are somewhat more elongate than those in the first
spear. Immediately behind the barbs, the greatest width
364 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
of which is four inches, a square opening has been cut
through, marking the termination of the blade.^
Fig. 6 represents one of the longest spears. It measures
thirteen feet three inches, with a maximum width across
the barbs of two and three-quarter inches. There are
twenty-one barbs on each side. The blade, from the very
point to the tip of the last barb, has a length of exactly
five feet. Immediately behind the barbs are four rings of
abrus seed set in beeswax. The whole surface is scraped
smooth.
Fig. 7 is an admirable example of one special form in
which the barbs are few in number — only five in this
specimen. They increase markedly in size from the point
towards the shaft, and the distance between the points of
successive barbs is very great as compared with the other
specimens. The decoration is also very characteristic, and
the old hafting is indicated by a flattened band, grooved
on both its upper and lower surfaces, and decorated with
abrus seeds on both sides.
Figs. 8, 9, and 10 are characteristic examples of
Tjunkuletti, in which the barbs are numerous, close-set,
and narrow across from side to side. In the specimen
represented in Fig. 9 there are thirty-three barbs, the tip
of the last one lying forty-four inches behind the point
of the spear.
These spears are extraordinary structures, and might
better be called javelins.
Mr. Cooperand myself investigated thethrowing capacity
of some of the men. The spear we chose for the purpose
was a double-barbed 'Tjunkuletti, a good average specimen,
measuring ten feet six inches in length and four pounds in
weight. The throwing took place on the open beach,
' The decoration of the spears figured on this Plate is dealt with in the
chapter dealing with decorative art.
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 365
where the sand was hard and afforded a good foothold.
The spear was, of course, thrown with the hand, no spear
thrower being known in Melville Island (Fig. 72). We
gave the nine men who competed for the prize that we
offered (a tomahawk), three tries each, and allowed them a
preliminary run of twenty feet. They entered with zest
into the competition, which was watched with interest by
the other men in camp. It was interesting to note the
varying degrees of ability, not only in regard to distance
but to accuracy of aim displayed by the competitors. As
a matter of fact, there was comparatively little accuracy,
and provided, of course, only one or two spears were
thrown, there would be no difficulty in avoiding them.
The distances thrown were as follows : —
No. I . . . . 143 feet 5 inches
No. 2 . . . . 128 „ 4 „
No. 3 . . . . 126 „ 4 „
No. 4 . . . . 123 „ 4 „
No. s . . . . 122 „ 9 „
No. 6 . . . . 112 „ 8 „
No. 7 . . . . 109 „ 9 „
No. 8 . . . . 109 „ 4 „
No. 9 . . . . 104 „ 3 „
The fourth type of spear is a rare one. It is double-
pronged, cut out of the solid and barbed. The specimen
represented in Fig. 4 on Plate XIII. measures twelve feet
nine inches in length. The barbs, of which there are
twenty-two on each side, are arranged with perfect
symmetry and, as usual, the colour alternates on the two
sides. On the one prong it is red with narrow, white
cross bands, and on the other white with narrow red
bands.
The fifth type of spear is a rare one. It is double-
pronged, cut out of the solid, and unbarbed. In the
specimen represented in Fig. 5, Plate XIII., the total length
is seven feet nine and a quarter inches. The prongs
366 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
measure thirty-two inches in length, and the distance
between their points is one and three-quarter inches.
Like many other parts of Australia, the boys on
Melville and Bathurst Islands make toy spears. They
take short lengths of stick, two feet six to three feet in
length, and sharpen one end to form a point. The other
they leave blunt. When being thrown it is held in the
right hand, sometimes with the forefinger against the
blunt end just as if it were the point of a spear-thrower.
The boys divide into two opposing parties and, stationed
at a distance of perhaps ten or twelve yards from
one another, indulge in a mimic fight, one side throwing
and the other dodging. They are remarkably clever both
in aiming and in dodging, and any specially good shot, or
clever avoidance of the same, is much appreciated. Out
in the scrub also they are continually cutting ofF lengths
of reed and aiming these at one another.
Clubs and Throwing Sticks.
On the mainland there are at least four main types
met with, each of which is represented on Plate XVI.
They are used by one or other of the Northern coastal
tribes and I collected all the four types figured amongst
the Kakadu tribe on the East Alligator River. Figs, i,
2 and 3 represent a very common form of club that has
often been described. It is made of hard wood, is always
circular in section and blunt at both ends. Of the three
figured, the longest measures five feet one and three-
quarter inches, and the shortest four feet eight inches.
The handle end may be daubed over with beeswax,
the opposite, which is slightly the broader of the two,
is ornamented in various ways, with lines and bands of
white, black and red.
,<M
*0
\
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 367
Fig. 4 represents a club which is also common but of
very constant form and always well made. It is
somewhat flattened with a broader end, bluntly pointed,
and a narrower one which is always marked by a very
distinct concavity. The one figured, both in shape, size
and decoration, may be taken as a very typical form of
this club, which the Kakadu tribe call Periperiu ; the
Iwaidji, at Port Essington, where the first example was
seen and described by Macgillivray in his " Voyage of the
Rattlesnake," call it Miru. The specimen has a total
length of fifty-eight inches and a maximum breadth of
three and a half. In section it is slightly, but distinctly,
bi-convex. The general surface is dull red ochre in colour,
but a special bright red ochre is used for the tip and the
five bands that run across from side to side. The two
broad bands are ornamented with fine, cross-hatched white
lines leaving lozenge and crescent-shaped areas of dull red.
There is a narrow median band with a row of white
circles and four short slanting lines attached to each.
This is a very characteristic form of decoration for these
instruments. The handle end is distinctly flattened ;
for a distance of fifteen inches it has been smeared
over with beeswax, between two lines of white, and the
terminal five inches is bound round with vegetable fibre
string.
The two remaining types are much rarer and more
restricted in their distribution. I do not think that they
are found to the west of the Alligator River country.
The one represented in Fig. 5 is used by the Iwaidji at
Port Essington and the Kulunglutji and Geimbio
tribes to the south-east, but is not made by the adjoining
Kakadu or Umoriu tribes. It is called Mabobo or Wakadi.
The one figured measures forty-seven inches in length
and is decorated in much the same way as the Periperiu,
368 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
from which it differs in being more club-like in form and
in the shape of its blunt handle end. The fourth type,
represented in Fig. 6, has much the shape of a bat, and is
also made by the Kulunglutji, who call it Wakerti or
Wakadi\ the Kakadu name is Kadimango. Its length is
forty-one inches and its greatest width five inches. It has
a very distinct handle and the form of decoration is much
the same as that of the Periperiu and Mabobo.
The above four, together with the simple straight club
met with in Northern Central tribes, such as the
Warramunga and Tjingilli, represent the only types of
this weapon met with on the mainland.
It is, therefore, simply astonishing to cross from the
latter to Melville and Bathurst Islands and meet, in such
a small, restricted area, with a series of clubs and fighting
sticks so varied as those represented on Plates XVI.,
XVII., and XVIII. It is all the more remarkable when
one realises the fact that not more than a very few miles,
easily crossed in a dug-out canoe, separates the south-
eastern corner of Melville Island from Coburg Peninsula
on the mainland, inhabited by the Iwaidji tribe, who
have none of these.
I have no doubt but that the Melville and Bathurst
Islanders have other forms of clubs and fighting sticks
beyond those now described ; they will, however, probably
differ from these only in detail.
They may be, roughly, divided into two groups,
{a) single-pronged and {b) double-pronged. Amongst
each of these there are many types.
(«) Single-pronged.
To take the single-pronged ones first, because they
probably represent the simpler types. It is very difficult
to classify them satisfactorily, but we may conveniently
divide them first of all into two sets (a) those that are
u
3
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 369
circular in cross section and {b) those that are flattened
or elliptical in cross section.
(«) Those that are circular in cross section.
These again are, more or less satisfactorily, divided
into two groups (i) those with blunt and (2) those with
pointed ends. Amongst the first of these we have
two types : —
Type I. A more or less curved stick, about twenty
inches in length, with a very decided difference in the
thickness of the handle and head end. Examples of
this, which is perhaps, the commonest form, are seen in
Plate XVII, Figures 10 and 1 1. The weapon is made of
hard, dark, heavy wood, such as that of an Acacia or
Ironwood, and the surface is decorated with strongly
incised parallel grooves which curve round the head end
and meet at a very blunt point, in some cases, indeed,
there is a slight concavity towards which they all con-
verge. The diameter of the swollen end is not more
than two inches and the surface is variously decorated
with bands of yellow, red and white.
Type 2. An approximately straight stick, about
twenty inches in length, or slightly more, with no
strongly marked, swollen head (Fig. 9, Plate XVII.).
The surface is covered with incised grooves and decorated
just as in the preceding form.
Amongst those with pointed ends there are at least five
types and there may be more.
Type 3. A straight stick (Plate XVII., Fig. 7) with a
very marked swollen head and a more or less rapidly
tapering point. The surface is strongly grooved. In
its widest part the diameter is two inches or slightly
more.
The Melville Island name for it is Muragugna.
Type 4. A somewhat longer stick than the last one,
B B
370 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
measuring thirty inches or more (Fig. 6, Plate XVII.).
It gradually increases in size towards the head end,
the greatest diameter of which is about an inch and a
quarter. It has a long tapering point.
Type 5. This is a very characteristic form. It is
made, like all the above, out of heavy dark wood and
measures about two feet in length. It gradually increases
in size towards the head end, which is bluntly rounded
and has a sharp projecting point, five-eighths of an inch
in length (Fig. 8, Plate XVII.).
Type 6. This is a very remarkable type (Fig. 5, Plate
XVII.). It measures twenty-seven inches in length, and,
in general form, is intermediate between types 4 and 5.
The head end is more swollen than in type 5, but not
so much as in type 4, and the form of the tapering point
is also intermediate between the two. It is remarkable
however, in having two distinct series of serrations on
opposite sides of the swollen head.^ The whole surface
is strongly grooved.
Type 7. This is an interesting type which is evidently
a further development of, in one direction, type 6. The
swollen head of the latter merges at each end into the
main body. In this type (Plate XVIII., Fig. 8) the head
part is of the same diameter throughout, and is distinctly
marked off from the rest. It is also somewhat flattened
sideways. The serrations, which are indicated in type 6,
are here much more strongly marked, and, on a small
scale, are closely similar to the barbs of a spear. The
total length is rather more than thirty inches, the pointed
end, beyond the head, measuring ten inches. The
coloration : The tip is white, followed by a red band.
The serrations are red ; the flattened surface on each side
' The serrations on the upp^r part are much more clearly marked
than they appear to be in the figure.
XII WEAPONS AND| IMPLEMENTS 371
is yellow outlined with white ; the handle has successive
bands of red, white, red, yellow.
Type 8. Just as type 7 appears to have been derived
from type 6 by development of the serrated head part, so
as to mark this off more distinctly from the body, so in
type 8 development has gone, as it were, in the opposite
direction. It is represented by Fig. 4 on Plate XVIII. It
is twenty-seven inches long, and the swollen head part,
with serrations, is much larger than in type 6. The point
also is much blunter. The swelling is so formed that
one surface is nearly flat, the other very distinctly convex.
On the upper, flat, surface there is a series of deeply cut
serrations running across at right angles to the length of
the club, but on what may be called the under surface, the
serrations, which on type 6 were suggestive of spear barbs,
are now very clearly of this nature. They are seven in
number, the longest measuring four and a-half inches.
" The whole surface is marked with longitudinal grooves.
The tip end is red ; the upper, small, serrations are red ; the
lower barbs are white ; on each side of the head the space
between the serrations and barbs is outlined by a yellow
band and crossed by eight narrow bands of red, leaving
square patches of dark- coloured wood between them ; the
head is succeeded by a narrow band of red, then a still
narrower one of white, and finally the rest of the handle
is a bright orange red.
Type 9. This is much simpler in form than the pre-
ceding one, but, like it, may probably be derived from
type 6. The swollen head part has practically disappeared,
as have also the serrations on the upper part. Those on
the lower side have been drawn out for a considerable
distance, the last one being nineteen inches away from the
sharp-pointed tip, into which the original head now
gradually tapers (Plate XVII., Fig. 3).
B B 2
372 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
(^) Those that are flattened or elliptical in cross
section.
Type lo. This is represented by the specimens shown
on Plate XVIIL, Figs, i, 2 and 3, and Plate XIX., Fig. i.
It varies somewhat in form but consists, essentially, of a
flat slab of wood, varying in length from two and a half
to four feet, in width from two to three inches and its
thickness is an inch, or a little less. A handle end may
be indicated in various ways, as can be seen in the figures,
but there are no serrations. The surface may be either
grooved (Plate XVIIL, Figs. 2 and 3) or roughly smoothed
down, and the decoration takes the form of a series of
bands of red, yellow and white. The Melville Island
name for it is Iruella.
Type 1 1 . This is a much more ornate type, in which the
handle end has serrations and both it and the blade may
be pierced by openings. It is represented by the specimen
on Plate XIX., Fig. 6. The total length is fifty-four
inches ; the greatest width three inches, and the thickness
one inch. The decorations are crude but effective, the
colours employed being yellow, red, black and white. A
very characteristic feature of this and other of the Island
implements, is seen in connection with the method of
coloration of the middle and terminal parts. The whole
surface is, first of all, coated with red ochre ; this has then
been covered with a thin layer of white which has in its turn
been scratched through across to show the red beneath.
Type 12. This is a very well marked and characteristic
type, called Arrawunagiri by the MelviUe Islanders. It is
represented by Figs. 5 and 7 on Plate XIX. The natives
told me that they used it for catching fish in the man-
grove swamp. The man sits on a mangrove, above the
water, and "jabs " it down on a passing fish. One would
have thought that a sharp-pronged implement, such as is
ID
N
xii WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 373
represented in the adjacent Fig. 8, would have been
more serviceable for the purpose, but the natives were
quite definite on the point. The total length of Fig. 7,
which is slightly larger than Fig. 5, the two being
otherwise precisely similar to one another, is fifty-
five inches. The head end is flattened, twenty-one inches
in length, two and three-quarter inches in width, and one
inch in thickness. It is succeeded by a round part, one
inch in diameter and a foot in length. The next part for a
distance of fourteen inches is flattened and the same width
as the blade. It carries, on each side, six barbs, which are
precisely similar to those of the spears. The handle is
rounded, with a knob in the middle. The most re-
markable feature of this club is the strong development
of the barbs which, apparently, are not only useless, but
must be a source of danger to anyone holding the weapon
and making a downward thrust, because the points of the
barbs are directed towards the handle end, and if the hand
of the man using the weapon were to slip, the result
would, inevitably, be a nasty wound.
(^). Double-pronged.
There is very considerable variation amongst these
both in size and form. The smallest of those illustrated
(Plate XVII., Fig. i ) has a total length of nineteen inches
and a quarter, the longest (Plate XIX., Fig. 8) measures
slightly less than seventy-two inches. It is, in fact, rather
difiicult to know where to draw the line between clubs
and spears, and to group the present series together,
under the common heading of double-pronged, is really
an arbitrary proceeding. It includes two distinct series, in
one of which the prong indicates the handle, and in the
other the opposite end of the weapon.
(a) Clubs in which the handle is pronged.
Type 13. This includes a considerable series which
374 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
cannot well be differentiated from one another. They
differ much in regard to size and ornamentation but agree
in the fundamental feature of possessing a prong which
is relatively small and placed at what is evidently the
handle end. They are represented by those illustrated in
Figs. 4, 5, and 6 on Plate XVIII. , and Figs. 2, 3, and 4
on Plate XIX. The simplest and also most suggestive
one, which gives us the clue to the true relation of the
prong to the rest of the club, is the one shown in Plate
XIX., Fig. 4. It lies next to three simple unpronged
ones and there can be no doubt whatever that the prong
is the handle end and merely a further differentiation of
the same part in the simpler forms. Also it is called
Iruwalla or Iruella, just as the latter are. The others
are merely variations of this, all of them with the widest
and main part of the implement at the opposite end to
the prong and, with very rare exceptions, some special
feature to indicate that the prong is the handle end. In
Fig. 4, for example, on Plate XIX., we have an admir-
able illustration. It measures just four feet in length,
three inches in width, and seven-eighths of an inch in
thickness. The distance separating the points of the
prongs is two inches and three-eighths. The length of
the prongs is seven inches. Immediately beyond them
vegetable fibre string is wound round for a space of five
inches, in the way most characteristic of handles, and
beyond this there are projecting ridges. From this the
blade is uniform to the end, where it is bluntly rounded.
"Type 14. In this type I group a series of double-
pronged forms of comparatively small size, in which the
prong is at the opposite end to the handle. They are
represented by the specimens illustrated on Plate XVII.,
Figures i and 2, and Plate XVIII., Fig. 7. They vary
N
I
;• I-
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 375
somewhat in size and form. The prongs may be short
and stout, or long and thin, but they are quite distinct
from the handle end. Perhaps the commonest form is that
represented in Plate XVII. , Fig. 2. It measures twenty-one
inches in length and two and a quarter in greatest width,
the prongs, to the end of the central incision, measuring
eight inches. It is made of very heavy wood, the prongs
are beautifully shaped and very sharp, and the whole
surface is covered with very regular, longitudinal grooves.
The greatest relative length of prong is seen in Fig. 7,
Plate XVIII. , when they measure seventeen inches out
of a total of thirty. The least relative length is seen in
Fig. I, Plate XVII., where they measure only two and a
half out of nineteen inches. Despite their variation they
are all members of the one type to which the natives
give the common name of Japururunga or Tahuraringa.
I'ype 15. This is a very distinct type and, to a
certain extent, is intermediate between a club and a
spear. It is represented in Plate XIX., Fig. 8. Its
total length is seventy-one inches and a quarter ; its
general width is three inches and its thickness one inch,
the proportions of these measurements being indicative
of a club rather than a spear, the main shaft of which is
typically circular, or nearly so, in section. The prongs
measure fifteen inches in length and, at the opposite end,
there is a very well marked handle, measuring seven
inches in length. The decorations are very characteristic
and a portion of the club, drawn in colours, on a larger
scale, on Plate XXXVI., Fig. i, serves admirably to
illustrate the general colour schemes of the Melville
and Bathurst Island implements.
376 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Spear Throwers.
There are four types of spear throwers amongst the
northern tribes, one of which is especially widely distri-
buted, and is met with from the Kaitish tribe, at Barrow
Creek, in the south, right across the continent to the
northern coast, eastwards to the Gulf of Carpentaria, and
westwards to the Indian Ocean. It has the form of a
simple, straight, flattened blade of wood. It is usually
made of a relatively light, soft wood, but may occasionally
be made of a dark, heavy wood, such as an Acacia. At
one end the blade is cut away on both sides, so as to form
a serviceable handle, which can be easily gripped. Some-
times, but by no means always, string or tendon is wound
round this part. At the other end, towards which it
usually slightly tapers, there is a mass of either resin or
beeswax, into which a small wooden point is fixed. In
most cases it is coated with red ochre, but sometimes it
may be decorated with a definite pattern. It seldom
exceeds a length of three feet six or eight inches, and one
of these implements is to be found amongst the posses-
sions of almost every man amongst the northern tribes.
In the central tribes, amongst the Warramunga tribe, it is
called Wanmaiia. The Larakia name for it is Bletta, the
Worgait is Kallum. In the Larakia an important man is
called Bletta dunkal, which means a strong womera, or
spear thrower; in other words, a good, strong fighter.
Bletta is also the name of the tree out of which the spear
thrower is made. So, again, in the Worgait tribe, an im-
portant man is called Kallum kundira, which means a
strong womera.
The other three types are much more limited in distri-
bution. One of them consists of a straight stick, circular
in section, and not more than three feet long. At one
o
>H
s
c4
>
H
s;
a
o
OH
z >.
" o
c2
« o
1'^
o
X
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 377
end it has a tassel of human-hair string. This is really a
fringe consisting of a long piece of fur string with twisted
strands of hair string hanging down from it, very closely
together.' At the opposite end there is a small knob of
wax or resin with a little rounded knob of wood that fits
into a small hole in the end of the spear. This type is
met with especially amongst the Gnanji and Umbaia
tribes, and, once more, I met with it along the coast of
the Gulf of Carpentaria, but not in the more northern
tribes, though it is said to have been met with amongst
them. They certainly do not make it, but, of course,
like everything else, spear throwers are traded from one
part of the country to another.
A third type, entirely peculiar to certain of the northern
coastal tribes, is represented on Plate XX. Figs, i and
2 represent it in course of manufacture ; Figs. 3 and 4
show the finished article. It consists of a lath of hard,
dark wood, such as an acacia, which may sometimes be
straight, but is more usually distinctly curved, like a
boomerang. The one represented in Fig. 3 may be taken
as very characteristic of this type. The total length, in
a straight line, is just four feet ; the greatest width is
two inches and five-eighths, and the thickness of the blade
is only three-sixteenths. The handle is a truncated knob
of kapei, or ironwood tree resin, measuring two and three-
quarters of an inch in length and one and three-quarters
in diameter. Its surface is worked in such a way as to
give the appearance of strands of string running round
either end and lengthwise across a band in the middle of
the knob. The Kakadu, who make this form of spear-
thrower, call it Palati. The wax knob is called kuleryu.
At the other end there is a small knob of wood an inch in
^ The method of attachment of the tassel, etc., is described in Native
Tribes of Central Australia, p. 580.
378 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
length and tapering rapidly from a diameter of five-eighths
of an inch to a point. From the broader end there is a
short projection, which is laid on one of the flat sides of
the blade, and, after being enclosed in kapei resin, is
wound round and round with Banyan fibre string. The
wooden knob is called inedi. This form of thrower
requires considerable experience in its use, but is most
effective in the hands of a skilful native, because, unlike
most other throwers, the thin edge of the blade cuts
through the air, resulting in there being practically no
friction.
Fig. 5 represents a very simple, distinct type, widely
scattered amongst the northern coastal tribes who use the
light, reed-hafted spear, called kunjolio by the Kakadu.
It is merely a thin stick, from forty to forty-five inches in
length and one-quarter to one-half of an inch in diameter.
At the handle end it is coated with kapei resin, with a
raised rim about five inches from the end, which makes a
very efficient handle. At the other end a small, pointed
knob of kapei is fixed on slantwise.
Fig. 6 is merely a small edition of this, made and used
by the children for their toy spears.
Spear-throwers belonging to one or another of these
types are found amongst all the northern tribes except on
Melville and Bathurst Islands, where they are entirely
unknown.
Bags and Baskets.
There are, according to the material out of which they
are made, four main groups of baskets to be distinguished,
(i) those made out of palm leaves, (2) those made out of
paper-bark for temporary use, (3) those woven out of
grass, rushes or split cane, and (4) those made out of the
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 379
bark of a gum tree. These are especially characteristic of
Melville and Bathurst Islands, (5) Knitted bags. A strik-
ing feature of all the northern coastal tribes is the absence
of the wooden troughs, or pitchis, that are so character-
istic of the central tribes.
(i) Baskets made out of palm leaves.
These are very ingeniously made. A fan-palm leaf is
taken with its attached stalk. While the leaf is soft and
pliant the free end is folded in such a way that there is a
median and two lateral folds, as seen in Plate XXL, Fig. 3.
These three folds form the side of the basket opposite to that
to which the leaf stalk is attached. The end of the stalk
is bent over and then passed between the median fold and
the two outer ones on the opposite side of the basket. It
is then bent back on itself outside the latter. The edges of
the folds, around the handle thus formed, are sewn
together with thin split cane, the extent of the sewing
varying much in different baskets. In the specimen
figured (Plate XXI.) the sewing is confined to the upper
edge, but the line of split cane may follow round the
margin of the outer fold till it comes to the turned back
leaf stalk, after which it may follow along the margin of
the covered fold till it once more reaches the upper edge
of the basket.
These palm leaf baskets vary much in size. The one
represented in Fig. 2 measures eleven inches in greatest
and eight in least width, its depth being nine inches.
It has been covered externally with red ochre and then
ornamented with white circles. Fig. 3 is quite plain.
It is eleven inches broad at the top and only four in its
narrowest and lowest part. Figs. 4 and 6 represent
very small examples. In fact, the former is rather like a
lady's large purse. Its greatest width is four inches and
38o NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
it is red-ochred all over. It is, however, just as carefully
made as the larger ones. In this particular instance
the original attachment of the stalk is not used, probably
because It would form too large a handle in proportion
to the size of the basket. The leaf has therefore been
folded on both sides, just as it is on one side only in
Fig. 3 ; the edges of the folds have been sewn and the
handle attached also in the same way. It seems a great
deal of trouble to take, because the basket is so small
that it only serves to hold very little, in this particular
case it contained only a little red ochre.
Fig. 6 represents also a small one, but here the attached
stem is used as a handle. It is painted with red and
yellow ochre, and ornamented with a flattened out
tassel, consisting of a central mass of beeswax whitened
with pipe clay, from which radiate the hairs forming the
terminal tuft of a dog's tail. These particular specimens
came from the Alligator River, but similar ones are
widely spread amongst the Northern tribes.
(2) Baskets made out of paper bark.
In Plate XXL, Figs, i and 5, two types of these are
represented. The first is, roughly, rectangular in shape.
It measures eight inches in length by four in width, and
the same in depth. The bark, which the Kakadu natives
call ranken, is composed of sheet after sheet of soft, pliable
material, each sheet not much thicker than tissue paper.
The sheets very readily peel ofF so that the surface is always
ragged. The handle is made out of a thin piece of cane.
At each end it is passed through the folded bark and
twisted back on itself. Split cane is used to bind
together the bark and the handle.
The second type is still rougher. It consists of a
thick sheet of paper bark, the two ends of which are
^BU^
O
•i S
X
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 381
pinched together and tied round with strips of bark,
so that a kind of trough is formed. The one shown in
Fig. 5 measures sixteen inches in length, seven in width
and five and a half in depth. For some reason it has
attached to it one of the small spherical bags, called
Ballduk, which the natives usually wear suspended from a
string round the neck and in which they carry small
personal belongings.
(3) Baskets woven out of grass, rushes or split cane.
These form a very distinctive series and can be divided
into two main groups, one containing three and the other
two types. So far as my experience goes there is
wonderful uniformity in the manner of their actual
manufacture but, whilst this is so, they afford the natives
more scope for the display of decorative work than any
other of their ordinary implements. The names that 1
use are those in use in the Kakadu tribe. The first group
(A) consists of those that have a neck, the mouth opening
of the basket being greater in diameter than the part
immediately succeeding it. The second group (B)
consists of those in which there is no neck.
(A) Baskets with a neck.
These vary much in size and amongst them three types
may be recognized.
Type I . This is represented by the specimens figured in
Plate XXII., Figs, i and 4. It is called Kurokura. The
meshwork is very open. The longitudinal strands vary
in different specimens. In the larger ones, such as Fig. i ,
which measures twenty inches in length, they may be
formed of thin pliant twigs, but in smaller ones they are
made of stiff grass or rushes, called woirnya. The trans-
382 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
verse lines are each made of two strands of plaited,
bark fibre string, called meribainja. Four inches below
the open end, in Fig. i, there is a raised line made
by the plaiting of three, instead of the usual two strands.
The margin of the opening is bounded by a circle of cane
wound round with fur string and, immediately below this,
are two other narrow circles of wood which serve to
preserve the shape of the opening and are kept in place
by string which can be seen passing - round them and the
marginal circle. The base of the basket has a very
strongly marked indentation. The decoration is very
simple, and consists, first, of a band of white, passing all
round the neck region for a breadth of four inches.
Below this there are eight white lines enclosing as many
longitudinal spaces. Two of these, which are opposite
to one another, and one of which can be seen on the
right side of the figure, have five rectangular spaces of
red ochre, outlined with white ; on each side of these
there is a yellow band and between these a red one.
To one side of the opening there is attached a loop of
banyan fibre string, by means of which the basket is
carried.
In the second specimen (Fig. 4) the margin has been
broken away, and there is no colour decoration. I found
it in the possession of a lubra camped by the side of a
lagoon at Oenpelli, near the East Alligator River, and,
on investigating its contents, discovered that they con-
sisted mainly of the bones of her young child, who had
died a few months previously.
Type 2. This is represented by the specimen figured on
Plate XXIII., Fig. 4. It is called Djilara. As compared
with the Kurokura, this and the next type are characterised
by the relative closeness of the mesh-work. The longi-
tudinal strands of the Djilara are made of grass stalks,
Plate XX [II.
Netted Baskets, \vo\ex out of (,'. rass
Kakadu Axri other Tribes.
[Face pa
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 383
called muganuy or mukana. The cross bands are made of
plaited, single strands of string. Sometimes the longi-
tudinal bands are made up of two or three fibres, which
look much as if a single grass stalk had been split longi-
tudinally. Around the margin of the basket the ends of
the longitudinal stalks are turned down and bound round,
together with other stalks, by means of a double strand of
shredded bark, to form a definite margin to the
opening.
The total length of the basket is fourteen inches, the
diameter of the opening is seven, and that of the neck
five. The decoration is very simple. There are a series
of crossing and slanting yellow bands, outlined with white,
that enclose a number of lozenge-shaped light red spaces.
'Type 2- At first sight this is very like the DJilara, but,
on closer inspection, it is seen to differ very distinctly.
It is represented by the specimens figured on Plate XXII.,
Fig. 3, and Plate XXIII., Fig. 5. It is called Nuborgo,
and resembles the Djilara in having, as compared with
the Kurokura, a comparatively close mesh-work. A typical
example is shown in Fig. 3, Plate XXII., the total length
of which is nineteen inches and the width of the opening
eight inches. The longitudinal strands of the Nuborgo are
usually made of twisted grass stalks or shredded fibres
of Pandanus leaves. The cross bands always differ
from those of the Djilara in being composed of double
strings, whereas, in the latter, each of the two plaited
strings is a single fibre. In Fig. 3, at the base of the
basket, about fourteen of the longitudinal strings are
gathered together, bound round with fine string and
then pass up the opposite side ; the other longitudinal
strands are similarly bound together and pass under, and
at right angles to the first series. In this specimen there
is no attempt at decoration, but in Fig. 5, Plate XXIII.,
384 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
there is a more or less elaborate scheme. There are
series of light red bands outlined with white, and
enclosing dark red triangular spaces.
(B) Baskets without a neck.
These are much more common than those of the
first group, but, though very numerous, and differing
very much in size, they may all, so far as these northern
coastal tribes are concerned, be divided into two types.
Type 4. In this, which is called Maleba, the mesh-
work is open ; not nearly so much as in the Kurokura,
but sufficiently so as to render it unsuitable for carrying
fluid material. It is represented by the specimens illus-
trated on Plate XXIII., Figs. 3 and 6, and Plate XXIV.,
Figs. I, 2, and 7. Fig. 3, Plate XXIII., may be taken
as a typical example. It measures seventeen inches in
length and five and a half in diameter. The longitudinal
bars are made of two, or more, split grass stalks, or
shreds of Pandanus leaves ; the transverse lines by two,
plaited, single strands of string, just as in the Djilara.
Around the margin of the opening, the ends of the
longitudinal bars are cut oflF abruptly and a strand of
string is threaded in and out to form a binding. To
carry the basket a loop of four strands of vegetable
fibre string is attached to one side, which may be spoken
of as the back of the basket because, here, there is left
an uncoloured band, four inches wide, running along the
length of the basket, the rest of which is ornamented with
bands of light red outlined with white and enclosing spaces
of dark red. Fig. 7, Plate XXIV., has lines of the bright
coloured feathers of the Blue Mountain parakeet woven
into the grass strands so as to outline rectangular spaces,
all of which have been painted over with red ochre and
most of them then crossed with lines of white. Of the
I
T'
00
f
Sail^
-.99 ^^j?^soa:.f*^
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 385
three specimens illustrated on Plate XXIV., Fig. 2 is
interesting because of its design, to which reference is
made later, and the one represented in Fig. 7 because
of its relatively small size. It measures eight inches by
two and a quarter.
Type 5. This is represented by the specimens
illustrated in Plate XXII., Figs. 2 and 5, Plate XXIII.,
Figs. I and 2, Plate XXIV., Figs. 3, 4, 5, and 8. It
is called Numalka, or Numalga, and its characteristic
feature is the way in which the strands are so closely
woven together that the basket can be used for carrying
fluid material, such as honey or even water. In addition
to this, the surface is always crossed by paired ridges,
each one made by the weaving in of an extra strand of
string. So far as shape, size and the nature of the
strands are concerned, it is similar to the Maleba, but
the open mesh-work of the latter and the closed one of
the Numalka, serve, at once, to distinguish these two
types. Fig. 2 on Plate XXII is a good, simple example
of this type. It measures twenty-five inches in length
and seven in diameter. A little way below the mouth a
circle of Blue Mountain Parakeet feathers has been
woven in to the uppermost of the cross ridges. These
are arranged in pairs and are utilised in the design, which
consists only of alternate bands of light and dark red
ochre, the former always including, and terminating with,
the ridges. As in the Maleha, so in the Numalka, the
loop, which serves for carrying the strand, is woven into
the strands at two points on what may be called the back
of the basket, because here the raised ridges and the
colour bands are absent. The ends of the longitudinal
strands of grass, rushes or Pandanus leaves, used in the
making of the basket, are cut off abruptly round the
margin of the mouth and a strand of two-ply string is
c c
386 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
threaded in and out, just as in the Maleba. This thread
always passes through the side of the basket between the
second and third transverse strands of string. Fig. 5,
Plate XXII., measures eighteen inches in length and eight
in width. It is decorated in squares and the ridges end
in a curious asymmetrical way on the back, some projecting
much further than others on to the uncoloured median
space. The remaining specimens differ from one another
mainly in regard to size and decoration, which will be
referred to later. Fig. 8, Plate XXIV., is one of the
smallest examples, measuring only seven inches in length.
Fig. 3, Plate XXIV., however, is somewhat interesting.
In this one the shape is distinct, inasmuch as the mouth
of the basket, which measures fourteen inches in length,
is decidedly smaller in diameter than the lower part of the
basket. This may possibly be intentional, but the natives
called it by the same name that they gave to the speci-
mens represented in Figs. 4, 5, and 8 (Plate XXIV).
By some chance the maker, or, perhaps, some one at a
later period, had secured a few rags of cloth which, by
way of ornament, he had woven into the strands. They
formed an unpleasant contrast to the circle of beautiful
parakeet feathers running round a short distance below
the margin.
(4) Baskets made out of bark.
Bark baskets are known from other parts of Australia,
but those made by the natives of Melville and Bathurst
Islands are remarkable both for their great size and bold
designs. They are entirely different in this respect from
any known elsewhere (Plates XXV., XXXIV., XXXV.).
They are made, apparently exclusively, from the bark
of one particular series of Eucalyptus, known as the
stringy-bark gum tree, out of which, also, the natives
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 387
make their bark canoes and lean-to shelters. The
Melville Island name for them is JVunga-dunga, the
second half being the word for bark. The bark can only
be stripped ofF with ease during the wet season, and it is
at this period that these baskets are made. From the
point of view of design they are dealt with in the chapter
on Decorative Art.^ They are all made in a precisely
similar way, however small or large they may be. An
oblong piece of bark of the desired size is cut from the
tree, now-a-days by means of an iron tomahawk, but
originally by the sharp edge of a shell or a stone axe. It
is first of all carefully scraped over, to remove the outer,
rough surface. Then it is bent double on itself, and the
two sides sewn firmly together by means of strands of
split cane. In many cases a thin coating of wax, or resin,
is added, but, whether this be so or not, the edges are
always so closely united that the basket will hold water.
The handle is always very small, and, in many cases,
appears to be quite inadequate in size and strength. It is
attached to what may be described as the back of the
basket, and is made sometimes out of banyan bark string,
sometimes out of split cane. In either case each end of
the loop passes through the bark and is knotted on the
inner side. When empty it may be carried in the hand,
but when full of yams, or other food, it is carried on the
back by means of a stick passed through the handle. In
many cases, as in Fig. i on Plate XXXIV., the two sides
are strengthened, near the opening, by special strands of
split cane sewn across from side to side in criss-cross
fashion. In every basket the margin on the back is sewn
over with a double strand of split cane, also in criss-cross,
the object evidently being to prevent the bark from split-
ting down, as it might easily do in this part where the
' See Chapter xiv.
C C 2
388 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
pressure is greatest around the handle. The cane sewing
is, also, always continued round each side, where the two
edges have been originally united, and for a short distance
on the front margin.
These bark bags vary very much in size. Figs, i and 2,
on Plate XXXV., represent specimens of, probably, maxi-
mum size — at least, amongst a great number I have never
seen any larger ones, and, when full of yams, one of these
is quite enough for an ordinary blackfellow to carry.
The largest measures thirty inches in height, and fourteen
from side to side, across the opening. The specimen
between the two larger ones measures a foot in height.
Four of fair average size are shown on Plate XXV.
Fig. I measures sixteen inches in height ; eight across
the opening and fifteen at the base. The corresponding
measurements in Fig. 2 are fifteen, ten and a half, thirteen
and a half ; in Fig. 3 they are sixteen, ten and a half,
twelve ; in Fig. 4 they are fifteen, eleven, fourteen. One
of the smallest of these bark baskets is represented in
Fig. 4, Plate XXXIV. It measures only eight inches in
height, five across the mouth and seven at the base.
(5) Knitted Bags.
In all tribes knitted bags are met with. They var)'
much in size fi-om little ones, a few inches in length, to
large ones which, when flattened out, are typically broader
at the base than the mouth and may measure two feet, or
even more, across in the widest part and are carried by
means of a string loop. The Kakadu people have two
distinct kinds, one, called Mela^ in the knitting of which
a knot is employed and another, called Nunguluwara, in
which there is no knot. The favourite material for
making them is string, called Mukinoborbo, made out of
Banyan bark, though other kinds may also be used.
I'iali.' XW. liA.sKKis MADi-: ii;iiM Si KlM.v-iiAkK. Mki.nilii-. I.-^laxh.
1 F,„-c f,age 333.
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 389
These bags, like the baskets, are often carried by the
women, suspended down their backs with the loop passing
across the forehead.
There is one very characteristic little bag which is worn
by men only. In the Kakadu and allied tribes every man
has one of these. Each is spherical, from two to two
and a half inches in diameter, with a loop of string, the
two ends of the loop being tied round and round close
to the mouth of the bag, which is thereby tightly closed.
In this bag the man keeps little odds and ends, perhaps a
cutting flake, or a bit of resin, or if he can secure it a
little bit of tobacco. It is, if not full, padded out with
paper bark and is always spherical. It is called Ballduk
and is worn suspended from the neck (Fig. 8) usually in
front but sometimes in the middle of the back. The
string is always long enough to allow the bag to be held
in the mouth. During fights and ceremonies when the
men get excited one of the first things that they do is to
put the bag between their teeth and bite it hard. A man
wearing it is shown in Fig. 8. Spherical masses of birds'
down of the same size and known by the same name, are
used as ornaments. One of them is carried by the
Mikinyertinga girl during the initiation ceremonies in
the Melville Island tribe. (Fig. 7, Plate I.)
Trumpets
These are identical with those that we have described
before ^ and are of two types ( i ) those made out of
hollow branches of gum trees, iron wood, etc., and
(2) those made from bamboo.
The term " truijipet " is, of course, a misnomer, but it
is popularly applied in Australia to this native musical
' Northern Tribes.
390 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
instrument, for which the name conch would, perhaps, be
more appropriate. The Australian aboriginal has only
two forms of musical instruments ; one consists of sticks,
which he clangs together, and the other of a hollow stick
or small log, through which he blows.
The trumpets, or conchs, are much used during both the
ordinary corrobborees and the sacred ceremonies and, under
ordinary circumstances, produce a monotonous booming
sound, much like a continuous repetition of the words
" biddle-an-bum," with a long, strong emphasis on the
" bum," the " u " sound being long-drawn-out. There
is, however, very considerable variation in regard to the
ability of different musicians. In the Kakadu, for
example, there is one man who is notably good and will
imitate wonderfully well the calls of various birds, such
as the native companion. When in camp he is constantly
asked to perform and the natives listen to him by the
hour. Most of the music is, however, extremely
monotonous and one can often hear the trumpets booming
away, tiU late at night, out in the scrub, where the
natives are singing and dancing round their camp fires.
Five typical examples are shown on Plate XXVI.,
Fig. I is just four feet long and two inches in diameter;
it is made out of a gum tree branch which has been
smoothed down. Fig. 2 is very crude and unfinished,
the bark still remaining on it. The twist in the branch
is not a matter of importance, in fact, some of the best
trumpets have a decided twist or bend and it is
surprising how much difference there is amongst them.
Fig. 3 is a weU-made specimen, measuring five feet in
length and tapering from a diameter of three inches at
one end, to one and a quarter at the mouth end, which
is coated over with beeswax. The two remaining ones
are made of bamboo, and, like all of these, are
n
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 391
ornamented with an incised design. The latter is very
simple, consisting only of a series of zig-zag lines.
In the case of the gum tree branches there is no
difficulty in regard to the hollowing out. It is very
rare, in any of the northern parts of the Territory, to
find any branches which are not hollow, so that the
natives can easily secure one that is suitable for a
trumpet. In the bamboo, the partitions that pass across
the nodes have to be removed, which can be done by
means of a fire stick. As a general rule, the mouth
end is coated with wax so that the lips can fit on tightly.
Fire Making and Cooking.
There are two methods of making fire amongst these,
as, indeed, amongst many Australian tribes, in their
primitive condition. The first is the drill. In the Kakadu
tribe, which may be taken as representative, the fire sticks
are relatively short, usually under two feet in length.
Those illustrated in Plate XXVII., Fig. 4, vary between
eighteen and twenty-two inches. In some tribes, such as
the Binbinga, on the Gulf of Carpentaria, the lower stick
is made of soft, and the upper, which is twirled upon it, of
hard wood. In tlie Kakadu there is no distinction made,
and both sticks are called Ningomu. When making
fire by this process the native lays a Pandanus leaf
on the ground ; on this he places the lower stick, which,
squatting down, he holds with either one or both feet.
He has previously prepared a little tinder, which consists
of a little dry, shredded Pandanus leaf. Then he proceeds
to twirl the upper on the lower stick, using the palms of
his hands for this purpose. By the side of the concavity,
which is soon made in the lower stick, a small notch is cut,
so that the hot, powdered wood can tumble out. The
392 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
tinder is always made up into the form of a minute nest,
so that the red-hot powder tumbles down right into the
middle of it. During the process, one of the Kakadu natives,
whom I watched making fire, stopped the whirling process
at a certain point — when the wood was fairly warm — and
rubbed the warm end of the drilling stick against his nose,
so as to press out on to it a little of the greasy secretion
of the sebaceous glands, which the Arunta natives call
ernia. He also put a very little pinch of fine sand into
the hole so as to increase the friction. When the embers
were smouldering the little sphere of tinder was wrapped
round in a few shreds of Pandanus leaf and very carefully
blown until it burst into flames.
The fire sticks are always carried about, as seen in
Plate XXVII., Fig. 4, with one of their ends wrapped
up in some material, such as paper bark. In many cases a
length of bamboo is used, with the closed end ornamented
with a knob of resin, or wax, studded over with bright
red abrus seeds.
A second method of fire making is by means of a sawing
motion. In the Arunta the same principle is applied, but
in a different way. There, a soft-wood shield forms the
under piece, and the edge of a spear thrower, made out of
hard mulga or gum-tree wood, serves for the saw. In these
northern parts the shield is replaced by a cleft stick, which
is placed on the ground and held by the feet while another
stick is run across the cleft. The hot, powdered wood
falls amongst some tinder placed in the cleft. As a matter
of fact, the native does not often have to make fire, because
the women, when moving from camp to camp, always
carry lighted fire sticks with them.
So far as cooking is concerned, there are two main
methods. The first is the simple one of cooking on the
open fire in a very rough and ready way (Fig. 19). If,
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 393
for example, they catch a flying fox (a large bat), which
is a favourite and, in many parts, easily secured article of
food, they first of all singe the hairs off, then dislocate
the limbs, and perhaps, as I saw the Waduman women
doing in their camp on the Flora River, they will tear it
up with their teeth and cook the parts separately. As a
general rule, however, the body is not opened, so as to
keep all the juices within. When they cook a snake, for
example, they will, if they are not in a hurry, coil it round
hot embers or stones, and, when it is done to their liking,
they carefully make an incision in the belly wall and then,
lifting each end of the snake up, apply the hole to their
mouth and carefully drink all the fluid from the body-cavity.
A more careful and very favourite method of cooking
amongst all the northern tribes consists in making an earth
oven, which the Kakadu call Peindi. The size of the hole
varies, of course, according to the size of the food to be
cooked. It is used for both yams and animal food. An
average sized Peindi will be from one to two feet deep and
about two feet in width — for yams it may not be more
than a foot deep. It is dug by means of a simple, sharp
pointed digging stick or Wairbi. First of all a fire is
made in it and a number of rounded stones placed on the
fire until they are really hot. Then the fire, if anything
save embers remains, is raked out, leaving the stones, upon
which grass or green twigs are placed. On these the food
is laid and covered with grass or twigs, or if they can get
it, Ranken or paper bark. Then the earth is piled over,
forming a small mound, and in this Peindi the food remains
until they judge it to be sufficiently cooked. It is the
savage precursor of the modern paper-bag cookery.
In many tribes, such, for example, as the Waduman,
special precautions are taken with regard to the cooking
of special yams that are said to be " hot." There is one,
394 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
for example, called Nongura, which must, first of all, be
cut up into slices and then put on an open fire for about
a quarter of an hour. Then it is pounded up on stone
and made into little cakes. Two stones are used, a large
under one called Kari, and a smaller one with which the
actual pounding is done, called Mumburra. The cakes
must be placed on the fire again. Then they are made up
into a big damper and put on the fire for a time, then
once more the pounding process Is repeated and, finally, it
is again placed on the fire, after which it may be eaten.
The damper itself is called Tjalangi.
Another form of yam called Magolu is treated very
diiferently. First of all it is skinned; then it is cut into
slices, placed in a basket and soaked for some hours in
water. Then it is pounded on stone, made up into a
damper and cooked, always in an earth oven, or Peindi.
These yams vary in size from small ones not much larger
than a big marble to others the size and shape of large pota-
toes, while some are as big as "Turk's heads " and others
perhaps two feet or more in length and shaped like swollen,
crooked roots. So far as food is concerned, and apart of
course from special food restrictions, the natives eat every-
thing that is edible. Their stock vegetable supplies being
yams, grass seed of various kinds, which they pound up
on stones and make into dampers that may be cooked in
the embers of an open fire or in a Peindi, and, in parts
where they grow, the seeds, stem, and roots of the Red
Lotus (Fig. 74), and the ordinary Lily. In places such as
Oenpelli, where the backwaters are full of lilies, you can
see the little black faces of the women just above the
water all day long gathering lily " tucker," which they call
Wuridjonga. The seeds they pound up and make into a
damper, which is baked on the fire ; the stalks they eat
raw, and the roots they cook in the open fire.
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 395
Challenge Sticks.
In the Kakadu tribe there are certain challenge sticks,
called Medjingeli, that are sent out to invite natives of
other camps or tribes to take part in a fight. Two of
them are represented on Plate XX VI I., Figs, i and 2.
The upper one measures thirty-nine inches in length, and is
a solid stick with a bunch of stiff grass stalks attached at
one end by means of shreds of banyan bark. The whole
thing is whitened with pipe clay, and looks like a minia-
ture broom. This form is sent out as a challenge for a
general fight. The second one is smaller, and measures
only twenty-one inches in length. It is made of reed or
thin bamboo, is red ochred, and has the grass stalks bound
round with banyan bark string, otherwise it is essentially
like the first, and is used as a challenge to a single fight
with a club called Periperiu (Plate XVI., Fig. 4).
Rasp.
Amongst the possessions of a Kakadu man I came across
a very simple but effective rasp (Plate XXVI I., Fig. 6).
I thought at first that it must be of extraneous origin, but
the men assured me that it was not. They call it
Munum-bura-bura. It is made of a small flat slab of
wood, just a little less than a foot in length, tapering
slightly towards the handle end.
Starting from the broad end, a piece of stingaree, or
shark skin, studded with five sharp denticles, was tightly
stretched across one of the flat sides for a length of seven
inches, the two edges of the skin being sewn together on
the opposite side. It certainly made a very effective im-
plement for smoothing down the surface of a club or
spear, but I have not met with it elsewhere.
396 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Spindle.
In all these tribes some form of spindle is used for
making hair-string. Vegetable-fibre string is made by
twirling the fibre round on the thighs by means of the
palm of the hand. There are two main forms of spindle ;
in the one which is almost always used in the centre of
the continent there is a central stem with two, usually
curved, pieces at right angles to one another. In the
Kakadu and other tribes the one most generally used
has simply a little terminal hook, which serves to hold
one end of the twine while the spindle is rapidly rotated
on the thigh. The hair, or fur, as the case may be, is
served with the other hand. Normally the right hand
is used for twirling and the left for serving. The spindle
is called Kofeida (Plate XXVII., Fig. 5).
Fan.
In the coastal area practically every woman has a fan,
or Norkun, though these are often used by the men also.
They are always made out of two wings of the palmated
goose, a bird which is very abundant on the billabongs
and backwaters. The two wings are always tied together
with human-hair string. It is a most useful implement
in a country where flies by day and mosquitoes by night
are often a perfect pest. No woman is without her
norkun (Plate XXVII., Fig. 10).
CORROBBOREE WaND.
This, apparently, is only met with amongst the coastal
tribes. The total length is approximately a foot and the
diameter two inches. It is called Tai-illa by the Kakadu
Fig. 73. CORKOBBllREE WaNDS OR \'AII1.I.A. KaKAIiI: TkIBE.
^K ■'ij^^
^ -111. ^'W ^^K-^ ■ 1
f^^pf*^P^*^y». '^j^^v^ms
"^ff^^^wH
?.M-c'itJ
,..i«^^
^ #.
uM
isu0mmm^'j^iai^^^mm\
Kig. 74. Natives i-.atherim; the Lmr^ Liia'. Ri^'Mk River.
[Face png-c- 396.
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 397
and is made by tightly wrapping together strands and folds
of paper bark (Fig. 73). There is an outer covering of the
same material which leaves one end free, as seen in the
figure. This is the handle end and, during corrobborees,
the men squatting down strike the ground with the
Tai-illa, keeping time to the singing.
It also has a quite different use, in connection, really,
with magic. If a man has a pain in his back he will
fasten one of these into the small of his back by means
of his waist girdle. The pain, or rather evil magic
causing the pain, is supposed to pass into the Tai-illa
and can then be thrown away with this.
Boats.
The natives on the northern coast use two very
different kinds of boats, one of which is indigenous, the
other has been derived from the Malays. The first is
the bark canoe ^ which is met with all along the northern
coast, on the islands, and round the shores of the Gulf
of Carpentaria. This is made in parts where the natives
can obtain suitable material. The first that I saw, in
1900, was at Boroloola, on the Macarthur River, near
the Gulf of Carpentaria. In this six natives had come
across to the mainland from the Pelew Islands, and then
more than fifty miles up the river. The water was, of
course, smooth, but this is a long journey for so frail-
looking a craft, and two of the men were kept busily at
work baling with a large shell {Melo diadema'). These
bark canoes are all made in essentially the same way.
The material used seems to be generally, if not always,
* This was figured and described by Mr. Gillen and myself in Northern
Tribes, 1902. It has recently been described and figured again by
Dr. Basedow, /./i./., Vol. xliii, plate II, 191 3.
398 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
stringy-bark, a species of Eucalyptus, the same one that
is used for the manufacture of bark baskets. The bark
is cut during the wet season, when it is more easily
worked and far less brittle and liable to crack than in
the dry season.^ It is trimmed down with the sharp
edge of a Cyrena shell and cut into the required shape,
the sheet is folded and the two ends sewn together.
Sometimes only one sheet seems to be used, but at others
more than one may be employed, as, for example, in the
specimen first described by Mr. Gillen and myself. Along
each side runs a long mangrove stem which is sewn on to
the edge of the bark, and usually projects where the bark
bends in to form the bow and the stern. From four to
six pairs of sticks, placed crosswise in the interior of
the canoe, and the same number passing across in a
corresponding position from gunwale to gunwale, serve to
assist in maintaining the shape of the boat and also to
prevent it from collapsing. In most cases, either end
serves as stern or bow, the two being identical in form,
but in some, one end is curiously shaped.^ In one
that I brought back from Apsley Strait one end was
shaped very much like the tail of a shark turned upside
down. It was one of six canoes that put out from
Bathurst Island to interview Mr. Cooper and myself
when we were passing through Apsley Strait in his
lugger. These canoes vary in length from twelve to
fifteen feet, and there is no difference whatever in the
essential method of construction of, on the one hand,
those on Melville and Bathurst Islands and, on the other,
those, far away, on the Macarthur River.
Of the dug-out canoes I saw two quite distinct types,
1 The natives told me that neither baskets nor bark boats are made
during the dry season.
2 Good figures of one of these are given by Dr. Basedow, op. cit.
XII WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 399
one of which is the common one, the other is apparently
a local variety. Both of them are cut out of the solid.
The shape of the ordinary one can be seen in the illustra-
tion (Fig. 75), and, as said before, it seems most
probable that they have been derived originally from the
Malays. First of all, when one is to be made, a tall, solid
tree is selected. I saw the one that they use on Melville
Island, but have been unable to identify it. It is cut
down, now-a-days, always with an iron tomahawk, and
carried to the shore or bank of a creek. Here it is trimmed
into shape and hollowed out. In one which a native
made for me the whole work was done by him, single-
handed, with one axe. The boat is fifteen feet long and
two feet six inches high at both ends. Its greatest
width is two feet, and it narrows in to each end, there
being no difference in this respect between the bow
and the stern, so that when being propelled with paddies
it does not matter which end goes foremost. There is
no keel of any kind, the bottom being perfectly round.
In hollowing out the log, a slab, six inches in width
and two in thickness, was left, running across from side
to side, about a third of the way from one end. This
slab has a hole in the centre through which a mast can
pass to be fixed into a hole in the floor of the boat.
The natives are very fond of sailing, if they can secure
anything that will serve as a sail, and, in this boat, the
native brought himself and his lubra across from Melville
Island to the mainland — a distance of sixty miles across
open water during the monsoonal period. These boats
are quite right in smooth water and so long as every-
thing goes well. Mr. Cooper and myself went many miles
round the southern coast and up some of the rivers in
one of these dug-outs (Fig. 75). You squat down on
the floor so that all the weight is as low as possible
400 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA ch. xii
and the gunwale is within an inch or two of the water.
If they upset, the men simply rock the boat about until
the greater part of the water is shaken out and then
they climb in, a very difficult business in the case of a
boat without the vestige of a keel. They are, however,
quite accustomed to this experience and think nothing of
a capsize. There is never any attempt made to decorate
the boat with carvings or design of any kind. The
second form I saw only on the Daly River, but every
boat there was of the same kind. In the ordinary one
the two ends are precisely similar, but in this one, one end
is pointed and the other is abruptly truncated, so that
bow and stern ends are clearly marked. It was just as if
the tree had been sawn straight across, leaving a semi-
circular end. There are special landing places in the
mangrove scrub where these boats are drawn up and
from which little tracks lead away into the scrub above
water level. Along the Daly we saw two or three that
are used as ferry boats and are kept at special spots where
it is customary to cross the river.
CHAPTER XIII
CLOTHING AND ORNAMENT
Pubic tassels and aprons. — Waist-belts. — Armlets. — Head orna-
ments.— Pendants made from birds' feathers in imitation of
flowers. — Ornaments made of beeswax and Abrus seeds.
The northern coastal tribes are not much troubled with
clothing. Out on the central uplands and around the
coasts of the Gulf of Carpentaria the nights in winter are
bitterly cold — often below freezing-point, and yet the
natives have never learned to make fur rugs out of the
skins of the kangaroos, wallabies, and opossums that
they can, and often do, secure in plenty. In the more
northern coastal districts the climate is different and
clothes are not much needed. To keep themselves warm
the natives there will often use sheets of paper bark.
The only things that can perhaps be strictly described
as articles of clothing are the pubic tassels which are worn
amongst many tribes by men and women, and the curious
paper bark aprons that the women wear on Melville and
Bathurst Islands. The former are often of considerable
size. They consist of a large number of human-hair string
pendants, forming a tassel that may be a foot in length
and four to six inches across. The tassel is always attached
to a belt made of the same material. In the Central tribes
the belt consists of, perhaps, twenty strands that are only
401 D D
402 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
attached to each other at the two ends of the loop. In
the Northern tribes there are many more strands, and in
addition to being thus attached, there are two, three, or
four cross bands, at regular intervals, through which the
strands of the belt are woven and which serve to flatten it
out, so that it may have a width of three or four inches.
The native is very pleased if he can secure some coloured
wool with which to make the cross bands.
In the Kakadu, Iwaidji, and other northern coastal tribes
bark waist-belts are sometimes worn. They are made
from the bark of the cypress-pine and are called Kupelbi.
Their nature can be seen from the photographs of the
three reproduced in Fig. 71, which were obtained from
natives on the South Alligator River. In the middle one
the belt consists of a length of some ninety inches of bark
four inches in width, wrapped round so as to form three
circles. The two ends, one on the inside and one on the
outside, are close together, and a circle of string is tied
round in such a way that it passes between the free end
on the outside and the free end on the inside. The nature
of the design can be seen in the illustration. It is always
drawn so that it starts close to the edge of the belt on the
outside, and occupies the greater part of the outermost
circle. In this example it commences at a distance of two
and a quarter inches from the outer end. The general
colour of the ground is dull red, with white bands and
cross lines, leaving lozenge and crescent-shaped spaces
between them. The four bands running across the width
of the belt in the middle line in front are, however,
bright red. The one on the left-hand, though essentially
the same, measures only fifty-four inches in length and
has only two circles. The one on the right hand measures
seventy-eight inches in length and has three circles.
A series of ornaments of various kinds is represented
XIII CLOTHING AND ORNAMENT 403
in Plate XXVIII. ; Figs, i, 2, 3, 4, and 5, are ordinary
armlets, made of very closely woven vegetable-fibre
string. Fig. i measures three and a quarter inches
in width, three in diameter, and has nineteen rows
of strands. Fig. 2 is two inches in width, three in
diameter, and has fourteen rows. Fig. 3 is one inch
in width, and has six rows. Fig. 4 is three and a half
inches wide, has a diameter of two and three-quarter inches
and consists of twenty-two strands. Fig. 5 is two and a
half inches wide, three in diameter, and has fourteen
strands. The colours used in decoration are only red and
white. In the Kakadu tribe these string ornaments are
called Muraradi, and are made out of banyan-bark string.
In Figs. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, and 1 1 a distinct form of armlet
is represented which is worn by almost every man and
youth. It is called Winbegi, and is made out of split cane
and may be very thin as in Fig. 10, where it only measures
an eighth of an inch, or, as in Fig. 8, it may be an inch
and three-quarters in width and consist of many strands.
In some cases, as seen in Fig. 1 1 , representing a specimen
from Bathurst Island, a number of plaited armlets may be
carried about together. In this case they are made of
palm leaf, and have been gathered into two groups,
twenty-two in one and fourteen in the other. One end
of a loop, consisting of a few strands of human-hair string,
is tied round each group of armlets, the free end being
then attached to the main strand by means of a lump of
beeswax.
The special armlet represented in Fig. 12, called
Kundama, has been referred to in connection with the
burial ceremonies of the Kakadu tribe. It is never
coloured and is always made of banyan-bark string in the
fashion seen in the illustration.
Very characteristic forms of head-dresses are seen in
D D 2
404 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Plate XXVII., Figs. i6 and 17. Each of them is com-
posed of kangaroo incisor teeth, wax, and string. In the
first there are forty-five teeth, each of which is embedded in
a small mass of beeswax. They are attached, side by side,
by means of two double strands of string. Each single
strand passes in front of and behind alternate teeth, and at
each end the four strands pass out and are bound round
with string so as to form a fairly strong cord, which passes
behind the head. The wax is red-ochred and the inner
surface of the teeth is whitened. In the second specimen
there are forty-four teeth, which are embedded in beeswax
in such a way that the whole ornament looks very much
like a jaw. The teeth stand out prominently because they
are whitened on both sides. The wax is black, and from
each end there passes out a strand of vegetable-fibre string.
The whole is very pliable and can be easily adapted to the
shape of the head, on which it is usually worn, with the
points of the teeth hanging down. A simpler ornament,
which is one of the commonest, is represented in Fig. 15.
It is called Majimbo by the Kakadu, and consists of a
flattened central mass of beeswax, from two to three
inches across, with kangaroo incisor teeth projecting from
the more rounded part of the margin. String is fixed into
the centre of a smaller flattened part, and serves to tie the
ornament to the hair of the head on which it is worn
hanging down over the forehead.
The most picturesque, or, at least, tasteful, ornaments
are curious pendants made from birds' feathers. Some
idea of these can be gained from those illustrated on
Plate XXVIII. They are only made amongst these northern
tribes and those on the coasts of the Gulf of Carpentaria.
The ones figured were collected amongst the Kakadu
tribe. In the specimen represented in Fig. 20, two of them
are attached to an ordinary head ring, which is made of
XIII CLOTHING AND ORNAMENT 405
vegetable fibre. At two places opposite to one another
the strands are bound round with string, and the pendants
are attached to this part. Each consists of the light grey
feathers of a native companion, all cut down to an even
length and arranged so as to resemble the petals of a flower,
the stamens in the centre being indicated by a little tuft
of down. The stalks of the feathers are embedded in a
little tapering mass of wax, from the other end of which
the string passes ofF to attach the pendant to the head
band, which is worn in such a way that a pendant hangs
down over each ear.
In Figs. 1 6 and 1 8 white cockatoo feathers are used, and
the human-hair string, by which it is attached to the hair of
the head, is largely enclosed in red-ochred beeswax.
Fig. 19 is rather more ornate. The two pendants are
attached to one another by four strands of vegetable fibre
string. The imitation flower is made out of the bright
feathers of the Blue Mountain Parakeet and the wax is
red-ochred and dotted over with white. The total length
of the ornament, which is worn on the head, is twelve
inches. Fig. 1 5 is made out of white feathers crossed by
black bars and has a small knob of wax in the centre.
Shredded bark is used as string and the wax is banded with
white and red. In Fig. 17 the dark coloured goose
feathers are used, the whole pendant measuring five and a
half inches in length.
Fig. 2 1 represents one of a pair of similar ornaments of
uncommon form. It consists of the head of a Blue
Mountain Parakeet with its bright orange bill and
metallic blue feathers and a few of the upper, orange-
coloured neck feathers. The base of the skull is attached
to a short, curved wax handle by means of which it can be
fastened to a lock of hair. As the eyes, tongue, and brain
have been simply cut out and no preservatives used, this is
4o6 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA CH.xiii
more or less a temporary ornament in a moist, warm
climate.
On Melville and Bathurst Islands and on the northern
coast the natives make very decorative ornaments out of
masses of beeswax, studded over with abrus seeds. A
few of these are represented on Plate XXVII. The Abrus
is a leguminous plant with a pod like that of a pea. Each
seed has a bright red coat except for a small black patch
where it is attached, and, in most cases, this part of the
seed is hidden from view. Each ornament consists of a
central mass of beeswax, moulded by the jiand to the
desired size and shape, and then the seeds are simply
pressed on. Fig. 1 1 is a sphere two and a quarter inches
in diameter ; Fig. 1 2 measures four inches by two and has
a strong loop of banyan-bark string ; Fig 1 3 represents
one of the smaller ones, measuring two inches and a
quarter by one inch. Fig. 14 is rather interesting; it
came from the East Alligator River; the larger part
measures three inches by two and a half, the smaller is an
inch and a quarter in diameter, and the ornament is
evidently moulded on the form of one of the little
spherical bags called Ball-duk that almost every man
wears round his neck.
CHAPTER XIV
DECORATIVE ART
Mourning armlets, rings, and discs of the Melville and Bathiirst
Islanders. — Bags and baskets. — Grave posts of the Melville
and Bathurst Islanders. — Clubs and spears. — Sacred cere-
monial objects. — Decorations drawn on the bodies of men.
— Bark and rock drawings.
There is, of course, much that is common, in regard to
their Decorative Art, to all the tribes of Central and
Northern Australia, especially in respect of the ornamenta-
tion of their commoner weapons and implements, so that
much of what we have already written on this subject ^
holds true of the tribes now dealt with. On the other
hand, there are certain forms of design restricted to special
parts of the country and characteristic of different tribes
or group of tribes. In the west of the continent we have
the incised and painted zig-zag pattern; in the centre
there is the strong development of spiral and concentric
circles drawn on the ground, rocks, and sacred objects.
So again, in the far north, we meet with quite a different
scheme of design, the most characteristic being that of the
Melville and Bathurst Islanders, whose drawings and
decorations are entirely distinct from any on the mainland
and suggest contact, in past time, with a people whose art
' Northern Tribes, Cap. xxv. p. 696.
407
4o8 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
was more akin to that of the islands to the north-east than
it is to anything in Australia. Then again, amongst the
Kakadu nation, we meet with rock and bark drawings
superior to any amongst the central tribes.
So far as the methods of ornamentation are concerned,
we can distinguish the following : —
(i) Incision by means of a stone, shell, or tooth. This
is best seen on some of the Muraian objects.
(2) Painting the surface with pigments, those used
being pipe clay, red ochre of at least two kinds, yellow
ochre, and charcoal. This painting may take place on
human bodies, on implements and weapons of various
kinds, on sacred objects, and on rocks and bark. I did
not amongst these northern tribes see any instance of
painting designs on the ground.
(3) Decorations with down derived from birds or
plants.
We can again, so far as the nature of the decorations
and designs is concerned, divide them into three main
groups : zoomorphs, phytomorphs, and geometrical
designs. It is quite possible, that, amongst the latter, not
a few may be the derivatives of one or other of the first
two, and it is interesting to note, amongst the sacred
Muraian objects of the Kakadu tribe, some which have
been distinctly designed in imitation of the form of an
animal, others which faintly suggest an animal or plant,
and others which are purely symbolic.
In describing them I will, as before, deal with them
under the headings of the various implements, weapons,
ceremonial objects, etc., with which they are concerned.
From this point of view they can conveniently
be divided into the following groups: (i) Mourning
armlets, rings, and discs of the Melville Islanders ; (2) Bags
and baskets; (3) Grave-posts of the Melville and Bathurst
PI;i1l' XXIX. Bakk Armlets worn i;v W(-)\if,n dukim-, .Mourning
Ceremonies on Melville ami Uathurst Im,\nds.
[Face page 40S
*
Plate XXX. Bark Armlets worn by Women during Mourning
Ceremonies on Mei.vili.e axd Bathurst Islands.
[ Face po.gc 409.
XIV DECORATIVE ART 409
Islanders; (4) Clubs and spears; (5) Sacred ceremonial
objects; (6) Decorations drawn on the bodies of men;
(7) Bark and rock drawings.
(i) Mourning Armlets, Rings, and Discs of the
Melville and Bathurst Islanders.
The first time that I saw these was in connection with
the mourning ceremonies on Melville Island, in July,
191 1. In March, 1912, and again in December of the
same year, I saw them both on Melville and Bathurst
Islands.* They are quite unlike anything known on the
mainland and, so far as my experience goes, are only
used together with curious, flat, almost quoit-like rings,
during the dances that take place in connection with the
burial and mourning ceremonies. They are most
distinctive structures and it is very rare to find two that
are alike in form and decoration. Those figured on
Plates VIII., XXIX., and XXX. have been selected out
of a considerable number and from a fairly representative
series.
Each one consists essentially of a sheet of bark, derived
from the stringy-bark gum tree. This is cut into various
shapes, according to the design decided upon, and is then
folded on itself in one of two ways, giving rise to two
main types of armlets. Of these, one may be described
as the single-, and the other as the double-fold armlet.
Of the single-fold we may take as an example Fig. 2 on
Plate XXX. The original sheet of bark was shaped
as in the accompanying sketch (Diagram i, p. 410), and
has approximately the following dimensions : —
' A short description of them was given in Bulletin of Northern
Territory of Australia, No. 2, April 1912, Plates x. xi. xii.
410 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
V
(
ID i d
_____ .._.j..__- »-
)
■
nl
(
ID i CZ
)
M
.s -^
I
rtf
13
O
«4-t f t*-i ,Q
XIV DECORATIVE ART 4"
The total length was twenty-eight inches. The width
at each end was four inches and, at a distance of five
inches from each end, it gradually swelled out, reaching a
maximum of eight inches in the middle, along the
line c — d. A piece, approximately two inches square, was
cut out of each end and then the whole sheet was bent
over so that the two ends came together, meeting along the
lines e — -/and enclosing an open space for the arm to pass
through, eight inches in length and three in greatest
width. Where the edges of the two square ends came
together they were sewn round with split cane which was
continued all round the free margin on both sides. A
light-coloured stick with knobs of beeswax, ornamented
with red abrus seeds, was passed through the upper angle
of the armlet space and kept in place by human-hair
string, strands of which were bound round the open
square, some of them passing, on either side, below the
cross stick.
Split feathers of white cockatoo and brown owl were
fastened between the square ends, the only other
decoration consisting of a circle of wax on each side
covered with abrus seed. This was one of the very few
examples in which the surface of the bark was left in its
natural state, no colour design of any kind being drawn
on it.
Of the double-fold type we can take two examples, one
a simple and the other a more complicated one. The first
is the one represented on Plate XXIX., Fig. 3. The
central oblong measured seven inches in length and eight
in width (Diagram 2). At each end there was a projecting
slip eight inches long and two broad. The first fold was
along the central line, a — b, the second along the line c — d,
so that when the armlet was formed it had a single projection
at one side. The bark was sewn together with split cane
412 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
along the top line and round the two free edges on the
left-hand side in the figure. The two projecting pieces
were bound round with fur string and, while the bark was
pliant, were shaped so that they formed a kind of spout,
which was smeared over with beeswax and white pipe
clay. At the free end there was a lump of wax with abrus
seeds, and the same were also fixed into wax round the
proximal end and along the upper line of the armlet. The
whole surface was decorated with a central band consisting
of red spaces outlined with yellow. On either side of this
was a broader band of white crossed by slanting lines of
red. As a second example of the double-fold type we may
take the more complicated one represented in Plate XXX.,
Fig. 4. The shape of the original piece of bark was as
indicated in Diagram 3 . The total length was approximately
twenty-four inches. At each end was a projecting piece
four inches broad and five inches long. The central piece
measured fourteen inches in length by eight in width. In
each projecting end piece a square was cut out, and in the
main central part four oblongs were cut out, each measur-
ing four inches in length by one and a half in width, in
such a position that when the bark was folded over along
the line a — h the two upper and the two lower ones, re-
spectively, coincided in position, and when, again, the sheet
was folded along the line c — d there were two window-like
openings formed, one on each side of the armlet. The
free edges of the upper part of the main body of the
armlet, and of the openings, were sewn round with split
cane. Where the two halves of the bark came together,
on the upper side of the armlet, there was a thick coating
of beeswax daubed over with pipe clay, and below this
many strands of vegetable fibre string were wound round
and round. The projecting upper part was bound round
partly with split cane, partly with string, and a stick,
XIV DECORATIVE ART
413
fastened between the two original halves, ran across from
side to side, its ends decorated with tufts of split cockatoo
feathers. A characteristic feature of this particular armlet
was the presence of two rings — a flat one, four inches in
diameter, fixed at the very end, and a round one, five
inches in diameter, at the base of the projecting piece.
From the upper of these a strand of human-hair string,
carrying a bunch of feathers, hung down on each side.
The colour decorations were very characteristic. Above
the window was a red circle with yellow dots, below it
a black band outlined with white and bearing white
dots. On each side of the circle was a white space, one
covered with red, the other with yellow cross lines.
Then came a cross band, yellow on the left of the window,
black on the right. The spaces by the side of the
window were white, with red cross lines on the right
and yellow on the left. Then came a yellow band on
the right and a black on the left, and below this again
white spaces with red cross lines on the left and yellow
on the right. Each of the spaces and bands was outlined
either with yellow or white, and throughout the whole
scheme the colours alternated on the two sides.
Figs. I, 2, and 4, on Plate XXIX., are representatives of
single-fold armlets. In two of them there is only one pro-
jecting piece, the end of which in each case is tipped
with beeswax and ornamented with birds' feathers and abrus
seeds. In the third specimen (Fig. 4), there are four pro-
jections, each approximately three inches in height. The
main body of the armlet is ten inches in width and the
same in depth. The free edges of the bark are everywhere
sewn round with split cane, and two bands of vegetable-
fibre string assist in binding together and strengthening
the projecting pieces, two of which carry tufts of feathers.
There are six series of bands running in a slanting direction
414 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
from above downwards, three in one direction and three in
the other. The two sets cross one another and produce a
series of lozenge-shaped spaces. The general ground
colour is dull yellow ochre ; the bands are all outlined in
white ; some of the spaces are filled with white lines,
crossed by yellow, and others with spots of yellow and
white. The projections and sewn upper edge are daubed
over with white.
Fig. I on Plate XXX. shows a somewhat different
type. It is an example of the double-fold type.
Apparently there were four small projecting pieces left
in the bark, two at each end. These are brought together
by the folding and bound round with string. Bent
pieces of split cane are inserted in the projections so as
to form a structure shaped like a basket handle, eight
inches high. A strong strand of string crosses over
from one side to the other in a slanting direction, and a
considerable amount of beeswax covers the lower part
of the handle. The main armlet is seven inches wide
and seven deep and the greatest width of the opening is
four inches. The upper line of the armlet, where the
two edges are sewn together, is encased in beeswax, which
is coloured black, and affords a strong contrast to a
whitened band of banyan string that runs round im-
mediately below it. The colour decoration consists of
red, white, and yellow bands. The white bands are
crossed by dark lines due to the white having been
scratched off with a stick while it was wet so that the
dark bark shows through. Fig. 3 is an example of a
small double-fold specimen. The total height to the
top of the knob is ten inches, the internal space of the
armlet measuring only four inches by two. The pro-
jecting portion was similar in form to that in Fig. 2,
but the bark has been completely hidden from view.
Platu XXXI. Kim; (~arrieii by Womf.x during Mournim; Ceremonies
I'N MeI.\ Il.LE ISLANIl.
XIV DECORATIVE ART 415
partly by string and partly by beeswax. The string has
been smeared over with wax and then whitened. From
the upper cross-bar a knob projects, and this, together
with the cross-bar, is a mass of bright red abrus seeds.
The general surface of the bark, has been coloured a
dull red ; white lines have been drawn across this and
then red ones again, crossing the white.
Other forms are represented on Plate VIIL, from which
a good general idea of the colour scheme and decoration
of these armlets can be gained. The two lower ones
(Figs. I and 2) are amongst the most ornate, and it is
possible that the string ornaments have been suggested by
the rigging of a ship. The brown feathers are those of
the Nankeen night heron. Fig. 3 is a curious type with a
handle-shaped structure from which sharp-pointed sticks
and red-ochred hair pendants hang down. In all cases the
lines of red and yellow pigment cross the white ones. In
Fig. 3 it will be noticed that there is a curious asymmetry
in the structure of the ornamentation formed by the two
whitened sticks. It is impossible to say what they
represent.
In addition to the armlets, the women carry, during
the burial and mourning ceremonies, on Melville and
Bathurst Islands, curious but very decorative objects, some
of which are flat discs, others like these with the centre
cut out. In essential form the latter are similar to the
armlets, in fact, as can be seen in the various objects
figured on Plates IX., XXXI., XXXII. and XXXIII.,
there is a complete gradation in size between the large
ceremonial disc, called Bamagun, measuring fifteen inches
in diameter, shown on Plate XXXI., and the child's
armlet (Plate XXXIII., Fig. 5) in which the central
opening measures only an inch and a half.
The large disc represented on Plate XXXI. was carried
4i6 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
by a woman during the last series of mourning ceremonies
that I saw on Bathurst Island in December, 1912. The
disc itself is made of six circles of bent cane, each
wrapped round with split cane. The inner and outer
margins of the disc are set round with interlaced pieces
of split cane, as is well shown in Plate IX., Fig. 3. A
certain amount of human hair, or sometimes banyan-
fibre string, is used to bind together the various circles
and then the whole surface is covered with a layer of
beeswax. In this particular instance the disc has a total
diameter of fifteen inches, the central space measuring
nine inches. The colour decoration is very distinctive.
On the upper part of the circle, on the inner side, there
is a white area edged with yellow above, and to the
outside of this there is first a black and then a yellow
area on the margin, the two being separated by a white
line which has been a good deal rubbed out. Following
down each side, there is a red area separated by a white
line from a yellow space on the margin of the outer side.
Then there follows a black band running across from
the outer to the inner margin ; then a broad white
band edged with a narrow yellow line on the upper and
a red on the lower side, and, lastly, in the middle, lower
part a broad yellow band. To the margin of this
lower part there is attached a stout, median strand of
banyan-fibre string and, on either side of this, a loop
of the same, from each of which two strands hang down.
The parts of the string strands close to the disc are
coated with beeswax, thickly studded with bright abrus
seeds. Each of the five pendent strands ends in a
rounded mass of wax covered with seeds, the central one,
in addition, being ornamented with a tuft of owl's
feathers. The total length of the object was just thirty
inches and, when in use, was carried by a woman who
^iSismmta^
y.
•y.
XIV DECORATIVE ART 417
held it up in her right hand so that the strands of
string hung pendent.
The specimens illustrated on Plate XXXII. were also
used during "the same burial ceremony as the one last
described. The one represented in Fig. i is called Pella-
pella and is made of a series of rings of split cane, joined
together and coated over with beeswax. The • disc
measures eight inches in diameter, the central area of
three inches being occupied by abrus seeds. Around
these is a white ring crossed by yellow lines and, on
the outer margin, are four areas with the same colours,
the remainder of the surface of the disc being red-
ochred. At the lower end, when it is held upright in
the hand during the mourning ceremony, is a mass of
beeswax with abrus seeds, and hanging down from this a
strand of banyan-bark string. The first five inches is
whitened, then comes a small mass of wax and abrus seeds ;
this is followed by eleven inches of red-ochred string and
more wax and seeds, and this again by five inches of
whitened string and a terminal lump of wax and
seeds.
Fig. 2 is simply another Bamagun, made of seven
concentric rings with a total diameter of thirteen inches
and a half. The design on the disc itself is exactly the
same as that on the larger one already described, but in
this case there is only one single pendant which takes the
form of a strand of banyan-bark string, just twelve
inches long. At its upper and lower end, it passes
through a small disc, each made of split cane, bound
round with human-hair string, and coloured with black,
yellow and red bands. Immediately beneath the lower
disc it ends in a knob of wax covered with abrus
seeds.
Fig. 3 is a small Bamagun, made of five circles of split
E E
4i8 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
cane. The innermost is bound with split cane ; the next
one the same ; the third has human hair, the fourth has
shredded bark and the fifth and outermost one is bound
with fine split cane arranged in criss-cross fashion. A
certain amount of wax has been added, but not nearly
enough to cover the surface, which is ornamented with
two patches of white pipe clay, the rest is red-ochred and
there are a few clumps of abrus seed set in the wax.
The objects represented on Plate XXXIII. are, some of
them, used during mourning ceremonies, others are
ordinary armlets. They show, taken in conjunction with
those figured on Plates IX., XXXI., and XXXII., the
transition from the ordinary armlet (Plate XXXIIl.,
Figs. 7, 8, 9,) to the highly elaborate and ornate disc,
which is far too large to be worn on the arm and
which, as a matter of fact, is always carried in the hand.
Each of them consists of the usual circles of split cane
bound round with cane and hair string, with ornamental
pendants of different kinds. The most elaborate ones are
those represented in Figs. 4 and 5, Plate XXXIIL In
the first of these the disc measures five inches across and
has a human-hair pendant more than a foot in length.
The upper part has the form of a loop, the two halves
of which are largely covered with beeswax and there is
also a short cross-piece, between the loop and the main
disc, that serves to carry bunches of feathers. The two
halves of the loop unite to form the main pendant, which
Is surrounded, at its free end, with a ring of wax and
terminates in a bunch of feathers. Fig. 5 is a child's
armlet, called Belliu Belliu ; it is covered all over with
thick fur-string and ornamented with abrus seeds and
three pendent strands of fur-string, each terminating in
a knob of beeswax. Figs. 7 and 9 represent the ordinary
armlets that are in everyday use.
XIV DECORATIVE ART 419
The whole colour-scheme and design of these armlets,
discs, and rings, as shown in Plates VIII. and IX., is quite
distinct from anything met with on the continent.
(2) Bags and Baskets.
Amongst the objects which lend themselves most to the
display of decorative art are various forms of baskets.
There are three main types, woven, leaf, and bark baskets.
Amongst the woven baskets there is practically an end-
less series of designs, some idea of which may be obtained
from the illustrations on Plates XXII., XXIII., and XXIV.
In the case of the more open-netted forms the design is
limited to lines and bands. One of the simplest of these
is seen in Plate XXII., Fig. i, in which the network
is very open. Down the back is a broad band of red out-
lined with white, on the outer side of which is a band
of yellow. The central line in front has a series of red
squares outlined with white. On Plate XXIII. , Figs. 3, 4,
and 5, we have very simple designs. Around the centre
of one bag (Fig. 3) run four bands, two of light and
two of dark red, outlined with white ; other bands of
the same colours run from these either lengthwise or
crosswise, leaving between them uncoloured triangular
spaces.
The decoration in the more closely woven baskets varies
to a large extent. The spacing of the design is largely
governed by the presence of distinct transversely-running
ridges. In its simplest form it is seen in the basket in
Plate XXII., Fig. 2, in which there are a series of light
and dark-red circles, the light-red ones always including
the ridges. A little way below the margin there is a circle
of Blue Mountain parakeet feathers. A slightly more
elaborate design is shown in Plate XXIII., Fig. 6, in which
E E 2
420 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
the circles are broken up into oblongs by longitudinal
lines, some of the spaces being coloured red while others
are crossed with white lines. All of them are outlined
with parakeet feathers. In the specimen on Plate XXIV.,
Fig. 3, there is a further variation. Around the margin
there is a circle with a special design of V-shaped lines, the
apexes of which are cut through by a white circle. Below
this we have a band of dark red and then four other bands,
two of red and two covered with cross-hatched white lines.
The very apex of the basket is dark-red with which also
all the bands are outlined. Along the length of the
basket run lines decorated with odd shreds of red material
that the maker had picked up somewhere and which, being
white-man's material, he used instead of his own native
feathers, probably thinking that he had, thereby, enhanced
considerably the value of his work In Plate XXII.,
Fig. 5, the ridges are used, in the same way, to accentuate
the design. The two upper spaces in front are dark-red,
then follow two with white cross-lines, then two black ;
then two dark red ; two with white cross-lines ; then red
spaces with slanting lines of white as in the circle round
the margin, the apex being dark red. The four dark red
squares in the front have white circles and all the transverse
and longitudinal lines are light red, the whole design
being very effective, as is also the one on the basket shown
in Plate XXIV., Fig. 4.
On some of these baskets the human figure is introduced
into the design. It is always conventionalised, but in all
cases the drawing is remarkable because it shows how
clearly they have recognised the equivalence, anatomically,
of the fore- and hind-limbs and the fact that, just as in
other mammals, the elbow normally points backwards and
the knee forwards. As a general rule the sexes are clearly
indicated by the fact that on those intended for women
XIV DECORATIVE ART 421
the breasts are indicated by lines. For example, the basket
shown in Fig. 2 on Plate XXIV. has a dark-red oblong in
the centre with the figure of a man. This oblong, outlined
with white, lies in the middle of a light red band running
along the length of the basket, on which, one above and
one below, two women are clearly indicated. In Fig. 6
the man and woman are placed side by side.
The palm-leaf baskets are not often decorated, which
may perhaps be due to the fact that they are of a less per-
manent nature than the others. In Fig. 2 on Plate
XXI. one of the few decorated ones that I met with is
represented. The design is very simple, consisting only of
circular patches of red outlined with white. The rest of
the palm-leaf surface is uncoloured. Again, in Fig. 6, the
surface of the leaf has been daubed over very roughly
with red, yellow, and white and, by way of extra decoration,
a dog-tail ornament has been attached by hair-string to
one side of the basket.
It is amongst the bark baskets of the Melville and
Bathurst Islanders, however, that we meet with the most
striking and original decorative schemes. Some of these
are represented in Plates XXV., XXXIV., and XXXV.
There is a most extraordinary variety amongst them and,
not only this, but the two sides, in very many cases, are
quite distinct from one another. In most cases the design
is purely conventional, zoomorphs or phytomorphs being
very rarely met with. In some, as in the one figured in
Plate XXXIV., Fig. i, the design is simple and bold. The
total height is twenty-nine inches. The longitudinal white
bands run into a circular one round the margin, so that
the red bands, edged with yellow, do not reach the margin.
The split-cane sewing is very strong on either side, and is
emphasised by being painted white. Fig. 2 shows an
entirely different design. The whole surface has, originally.
422 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
been covered with red ochre. On this, sinuous bands of
yellow have been drawn. In the lower half these run
roughly parallel to, but distinct from, one another.
From the lowest row bands pass off, as seen in the
figure, and run round the bottom of the basket to com-
municate in just the same way with the lowest band on the
opposite side. In the upper half, the sinuous bands are
arranged so that the upward curve of one corresponds in
position with the downward part of the one immediately
above it. The apexes of the curves are made to run into
one another. A very distinctive effect is produced by
outlining the bands with white spots. Fig. 3 is more
ornate. The design is quite symmetrical and is repeated,
with very slight variations, on the opposite side. A very
effective feature is the series of black circular patches,
surrounded with white dots on a red band. It also shows
one point which is often noticeable in these decorations.
On both the white and yellow bands a succession of fine
lines, running in a slanting direction, have been scratched
out. The natives are very fond of this, the idea evidently
being to make the band look less solid and heavy. The
effect that it has can be well seen by comparing Fig. i and
Fig. 3 on both Plate XXXIV. and XXXV. In Fig. 4,
Plate XXXIV., the decoration is as simple as possible. The
whole surface has been covered with a dull red and, then,
on each side, a simple white rectangle has been drawn.
In Fig. I , on Plate XXXV., a particularly bold design
is seen. The designs of the two sides are quite distinct.
The design is formed of circles and bands of red, white,
and yellow, with intervening spaces crossed by white lines.
The yellow bands are outlined with red, the red with
yellow. The design on each side is framed, as it were,
with a broad band of white all round. Fig. 2 shows one
of the most roughly drawn designs. On the pldn,
I
•A
y.
XIV DECORATIVE ART 423
uncoloured bark, bands of white cross one another and
are margined with yellow on one side and red on the
other. In some, but by no means all, of the interspaces,
roughly circular patches of red are drawn, surrounded by
white. The design of Fig. 3 is very symmetrical, but
differs on the two sides. The whole surface has been red-
ochred. On the side shown in the illustration there are
six bands ; two white ones running parallel to one another
in the centre and, on each side of these, a white and a
yellow, that cross one another. The two central bands are
bordered with yellow on their inner and red on their
outer sides. The slanting white band is bordered with
red on its inner and yellow on its outer side ; the yellow
band has white on its inner and red on its outer side. Right
in the centre there is a red space crossed by two white
lines. The interspaces have all a red ground. Some of
them have a simple series of horizontal white bars across
them. Others have slanting lines of red, drawn over lines
of white. The long bands have all been scratched over.
The one figured in Plate XXV., Fig. i, shows a slight
asymmetry in the design. There is a central band of
yellow with white lines running down it in a zig-zag way.
On either side of this is a red band, then a white one,
followed by a broader red one, crossed by festoons of
white dots ; then comes another white band, but outside
this the design varies on the two sides. On the right is a
red band with two lines of white dots, on the left is a
simple white band succeeded by a red. The margin has
a white band with two rows of black spots.
Fig. 2 represents one of the rare ones, in which zoo-
morphs are introduced, In this case they take the form
of three crude, conventional representations of human
beings. The design is in the form of yellow, curved
bands, outlined with white dots, looking rather like ribs
424 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
projecting from a central line of vertebrae. The general
surface is dull red, and the design on each side is enclosed
in a white margin.
Fig. 3 is a remarkable, quite asymmetrical and
apparently quite meaningless, crude design. The
general surface is a dull red. The lower part is coated
with pipe clay, with lines roughly and irregularly scored
across it. A white band passes part of the way round the
margin and is connected, at one end, to another running
down to the lower white patch. It is also marked with
two lines of slanting incisions. The last one shows a very
symmetrical design (Fig. 4), with bands of white and
yellow. The white surface was originally red-ochred.
In the central band white spots are painted on a black
background. Then follows a white band with incised
lines ; then the red ground with slanting yellow lines
crossing white ones ; then a yellow band with incised
lines ; then a black band with white spots ; then a white band
with incised lines ; then another band of slanting yellow
lines crossing white ones ; then a yellow band with incised
lines and, finally, the split cane that sews the edges of the
bark together is coloured yellow. In addition to this each
band is outlined with a line of colour, the succession of
colours starting from one side of the central area with
black spots, being as follows ; yellow, yellow, white,
white, yellow, white, white, white, with the sewn margin
yellow.
Grave Posts on Melville and Bathurst Island.
I have already referred to these in connection with the
subject of burial and mourning ceremonies. Their
arrangement round the grave is seen in Fig. 51, where
there are two old graves side by side. The decorations of
the posts could be distinguished in the case of the more
XIV DECORATIVE ART 425
recent of the two, and three of these are drawn in Plate X.
(facing page 232) just as they were renewed by the natives.
The fourth (Fig. 2) is from the older grave, and only faint
impressions of a design can be detected. A bush fire, also,
has evidently swept over it. The nature of the designs
can be seen in the figures, that in Fig. i being very
simple. These four examples serve also to give a very
good idea of the characteristic forms of the posts. Almost
every grave has at least one shaped like that in Fig. 2 and
another like that in Fig. 3. In Fig. 2 the projecting
pieces are rod-like in form. In Fig. 3 the pieces sup-
porting the top are slab-shaped. The total height of the
post represented in Fig. 2 is nine feet seven inches ; but
the tallest one seen in Fig. 50 measures nearly fourteen
feet. The designs, so far as can be told, have no signifi-
cance whatever, and may be drawn by any man, or even
boy, each individual appearing to follow his own fancy.
Clubs and Spears.
Plate XXXVI. serves to give some idea of the really
extraordinary and varied decorations on the Melville
Island clubs and spears. Much as they vary in detail,
they may really be divided so far as decoration is concerned
into three main groups, first, those in which the surface is
blackened (Plate XXXVI. , Figs. 5 and 7), and a design of
lines, circles, and dots drawn on this ; second, those in
which the surface is not blackened, and the design takes the
form of a successive series of colour bands ; third, those
in which the colours alternate from side to side.
The first is really a very well marked series, of which an
excellent example is shown in Plate XXXV I . , Fig. 5 . Along
the middle of the shaft runs a series of narrow, elongated,
oval-shaped patches coloured alternately white and yellow.
426 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
Each barb is a work of art in itself. In the first place,
they are cut with perfect symmetry, the space between the
barb and the shaft being so narrow as to make it a matter
of wonder how it is incised with the shell (Cyrena, sp.)
that they use for the purpose. To take one barb as an
example — the third from the end. The tip is yellow ;
then a red section crossed by white lines ; then yellow
spots on black ; then white circles on black ; then a white
spot on black ; then yellow lines on black ; then white
lines on black ; then yellow spots on black ; then red
lines on black ; then white spots on black ; then white
lines on black ; then a red patch and, lastly, yellow spots
on black. All these diiFerent sections are painted on the
one barb, and the decorations pass all round, on the side of
the barb facing the shaft. In this particular spear, the
shaft expands just beyond the barbs to form a somewhat
flattened projecting piece, which is clearly reminiscent of
the swollen hafting of many spears in which the barbed
part is made out of a separate piece, and must be hafted
on to the main shaft. This is ornamented with beeswax
and abrus seeds. This type of ornamentation is quite
distinct from any other either in the Island or Mainland
tribes, and is much less commonly met with than the
second or third types, mainly, doubtless, because it takes an
immense amount of time to execute.
The second type is simple. It is seen in its simplest
form in the specimen clubs on Plate XVII. Fig. lo, where
there is one band, is the very simplest. In Fig. 5 the lines
in the second band are drawn so as to aid in suggesting
the presence of deeply cut barbs, faint traces of which are
seen on the margin of the club. The scheme is well
shown in Fig. i on Plate XIX. and again in the spear
represented in Plate XXXVI., Fig. 6. The colours used
are generally red and white, with sometimes, but more
XIV DECORATIVE ART 427
rarely, yellow. In this spear, which is ten feet ten inches
long, the tip is red, then follows a white circle, a yellow
and a red band ; then follows, in succession, eight inches of
white, four of red, seven of white, five of yellow, eight
and a half of white, three of yellow and one of red. In
this spear, also, the part corresponding to the hafting is
much emphasised. It is swollen and flattened out with two
holes pierced through it, each ringed in red. Behind them
is a mass of beeswax wound round with whitened banyan-
bark, string. The whole of the shaft is grooved by a
cutting stone. In some cases a chipped flake has been
used to trim the spear, in which instance the whole surface
is grooved ; in others, and they form the majority, the
shell is used and then the surface is often as smooth as if
it had been cut with a knife. The same design is well
seen in the spears with a single line of barbs in
Plate XIV.
The third scheme of decoration is the most characteristic
and is, so far as I am aware, peculiar to these Island
tribes. It is certainly not met with amongst the northern
Mainland tribes. Its striking feature is an alternation of
colours on the two sides. It is well shown in its simplest
form in the spears seen in Plate XXXVI., Figs. 2, 3,4 and 8.
In each of these there is a central line of red all the way
along between the barbs, alternate sections of which are
coloured white on one side and yellow on the other side
of the shaft, the colours alternating on the two sides also.
In Figs. 2 and 8 narrow, and in Fig. 3 broad, bands of
red separate the white and yellow sections. As all the
colours go straight across it follows that one particular
barb may be red, white, and yellow in different parts — as,
for example, in the fifth barb from the lower end in Fig. 2.
A curious example of this asymmetrical colour design is
seen in Plate XIII., Fig. 4, in which one prong is white
428 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
with red bands and the other red with white bands, both
prongs ending in a red point.
The best examples of this alternating scheme of
decoration are, however, to be found on some of the
remarkable, almost grotesque, clubs represented on
Plate XIX. As a typical example I have chosen a part of
the club represented in Fig. 8. This is seen in colours in
Plate XXXVI., Fig. i. The colour scheme is very
characteristic with cross lines of yellow, red, and white.
In addition to the colour there are a series of lozenge-
shaped areas along the margin, marked with incised lines
that are clearly meant to suggest barbs.
(5) Sacred Ceremonial Objects.
Amongst the most decorative objects in these northern
tribes are those associated with the Muraian ceremony in
the Kakadu tribe. Those represented on Plate III. will
serve to give a good idea of the form of decoration
employed. It must be remembered that each one of them
is associated with a totemic animal or plant just as in the
Arunta the Churinga and other objects such as Waningas
and Nurtunjas are. In the case of the latter there is no
attempt to represent the animal or plant, but amongst
these Muraian objects there is occasionally an attempt
made to depict the object. Possibly in times past the
resemblance was greater, and more general, than it is now.
In Plate III., Fig. i represents a fish ; it is just, perhaps,
sufficiently reminiscent of the general form of one to
suggest the animal. Fig. 2 is a " native companion," the
Australian crane. The two projecting points are evidently
intended to represent the beak. In both of these the
general body ground is yellow, bands of which are left
crossing from side to side. The spaces between these are
^dSI-^>P
^'^-i C^'
a
iocy\ /
aC7
Fig. 76. Designs drawn ox the Bouies of Mf:x during the
Performance op' a Ml'raian Ceremony in the Kakadd Tribe.
(a) and (*), Turtles, (f), Crocodile Egg. {d), Jimidauava, a Fish
\e), Tjunara, a Yam. (/), Turkey Egg. (4'), Koi'Ereipi, Emu Egg.
\Face page 429.
XIV DECORATIVE ART 429
filled with fine, cross-hatched, white lines. The Melville
and Bathurst Islanders use cross-lines for decorative pur-
poses, but they are very crude and coarse as compared with
those drawn by the Kakadu. Also, in the former, the
crossing lines are always of different colours. The lines
are so close that only a very little bit of the background
shows through, producing a very pleasing and characteristic
effect. The great majority of these objects are red-ochred
to begin with, and the nature of the design can be seen in
the plate. Fig. 3 represents a turtle, the flat, expanded
and slightly concavo-convex slab which forms the body
being ornamented in the same way on both sides. The
head and tail are quite distinct, but the limbs, which
are represented in some of the specimens (Figs, i, 2, and 3,
Plate IV.), have disappeared in this. The remaining
specimens represent yams. Fig. 5 is just slightly suggestive
of one attached to a root, but the others have no re-
semblance whatever to them. In Fig. 7 the cross-hatched
design is varied by leaving bands where there is only one
set of lines.
These objects are re-painted each time they are used,
and, apparently, the design is handed down ; though, with
a successive series of artists, it must vary to a certain
extent. In three or four of them, such as the one repre-
sented in Fig. 4, the feathers of the Blue Mountain
parakeet, woven into string, are used to decorate them.
Somewhat the same scheme of decoration, with cross-
hatched lines, is seen on the clubs used by the Kakadu and
allied tribes (Plate XV.).
During the special ceremony, when the Muraian objects
were being shown, some of the men painted, very roughly,
designs on their bodies which were associated with one or
other of the totems. Some of these are shown in Fig. 76 ;
a represents a Kudjalinga, or turtle, and bears some re-
43© NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
semblance to the animal, which has, however, lost its hind
legs; b represents, better still, the same animal; c is the
egg of a crocodile; ^ is a Jimidauapa, a small fish, to
which it bears no resemblance, but it is somewhat like one
of the sacred Muraian sticks associated with this animal.
The two side-pieces evidently represent strings with feather
ornaments at their free ends ; ^ is a special yam called
Tjunara, and was painted right down the middle of a man's
back, the sinuous band terminating on the left shoulder ;
/ is a turkey (Eupodotis) and g an emu egg.
(6) Decorations Drawn on the Bodies of Men.
The decorations on the bodies of the men during cere-
monies are nothing like so elaborate as amongst, for
example, the Arunta, Kaitish, and Warramunga tribes.
Birds' down is used to a certain extent, but it is quite
common to find the design drawn in pigment ; indeed, on
Melville and Bathurst Islands down is very rarely used.
Simple designs in connection with sacred ceremonies are
seen in Figs. 42 and 46 in which the painted men belong to
a fish totem, the design being supposed to represent fish
bones. Those with bunches of white cockatoo feathers
are kangaroo men. In the more southern tribes blood, to
use as gum with which to affix the down, is drawn from a
vein either in the arm or in the penis. In the Kakadu they
cut a vein in the back of the hand.
Amongst the Kakadu I met with curious designs drawn
on the bodies of men performing an ordinary corrobboree.
We were watching one of the sacred Muraian ceremonies
of the Kulunglutji tribe, out in the scrub near Oenpelli on
the East Alligator River, when some of the men of the
Kakadu, Umoriu, and Geimbio tribe came up. They had
just been performing an ordinary corrobboree in their
0 c
Fig. 77. Designs drawn on the Bodies ok Kakahu, Umoriu
AND Geimbio Natives duking the Performance ok ordinary
CORROEBOREES.
{Face pa^c 431.
XIV DECORATIVE ART 431
camp and some of them had their bodies decorated with
quaint irregular designs, drawn in white pipe clay, a few
of which are represented in Fig. 77. They were quite
irregularly arranged over the back, chest, and arms ;
a represents yams drawn on the body of a Kakadu man.
The lines on the top left-hand one are leaves ; those
radiating from the others are roots ; the long bifid line
in the lower right drawing on the body is a flower stalk,
and the dots on the arms are bees. In b, the oblong in
the middle of the back is a honey-bag, called jailba,
inside the tree ; the line on top with a swollen end is the
entrance and the passage down to the bag ; the dots
around are the bees outside the nest. Another sugar-
bag is drawn on the arm with some bees inside and
some outside. They were drawn on the body of a
Umoriu man. In c the three upper drawings represent
sugar bags drawn on the body of an Iwaidja man ; of the
three lower ones, the left is a yam ; the central is a
black-fellow ; and the right is only a mark and means
nothing. '
The decorations of the Melville Island men, like those
of their weapons, are very distinctive. Sometimes, but
only very rarely, birds' down is used. The only occasion
on which I saw it used was during the initiation yam
ceremony (Fig. 29), when most of the men, at one
special stage, had the upper part of their bodies thickly
covered with down so that they looked very much as if
they were wearing fur tippets. Each man had a thick,
white line of -pipe clay running down the middle of his
abdomen to the pubic region.
In connection with other ceremonies they used only
pigments, sometimes with the most weird and grotesque
results. Lines of white are often added round the eyes
and over the bridge of the nose (Fig. 78, a). In the
432 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
simplest forms of design the whole body was covered
over with pipe clay, bright red ochre, yellow ochre, or
charcoal, one colour only being used and the whole
body covered from head to foot. In others the upper
part of the body would be coloured with red or yellow,
the lower half of the face yellow, if the body were red,
the upper half red or vice versa, according to the colour
of the body. Sometimes the upper part of the body,
sometimes the whole of it was decorated with alternate
lines, longitudinal or transverse, of black and red or
black and yellow. A very characteristic design in the
yam ceremonies consisted of sinuous lines of white and
yellow, alternating on the two sides of the body, the
general surface of which was sometimes uncoloured,
sometimes coloured all over with red (Fig. 78, b).
In the most elaborate decorations of the head, the hair
is often included. This I have never seen on the main-
land. In the simpler designs it may be coloured, wholly,
white, red, or yellow, but when a man desires to be very
prominent, he will decorate himself elaborately with a
very definite design (Fig. 78, c and d).
(7) Bark and Rock Drawings.
In the Kakadu, Umoriu, Geimbio, Iwaidji and other
tribes excellent rock and bark drawings are met with.
There is a great deal of difference in the capacity of
various men in this respect, some of them being
much better than others.
Up on the hill sides, among the rocks, wherever there
is an overhanging shelter where the native can screen
himself from the sun and rain, these drawings are certain
to be found in the country of the Kakadu.
Kii;- yS. ]i<»>v Uecokations ok Melville anii Bathukst Isi andeks
1)1 Hl\l, IIIE I'I■;KI■•11KMA^'CE OE CEREMONIES. (A) BOy's IIeAD PAINTED
nuKiNC, THE Iniiiation Ceremony. (B) Dkcoration on -\ Man's Back
iiURiNG the Initiation CEREMo\^■, mihwinc the Alternation (ik
THE Lines of Colour on the Twci Sihes. (C) and (D) Side ani>
I-'ront \'n\v i)K \ Mw's Head, Decorated for the l'ER^-OKMANCE
OF A McillUMNO Cl'.REMONY ON BaTHURST IsLANI). THE LETTERING
REFERS TO THE CoLOUKS USED: [6) BLACK; {r) ReD ; (w) WHITE;
(_r) Yellow ; (w) Keloid Cicatrices, made on the Arms, Back,
AND Chest. They are supposed to represent the Miunoa or
Spear Barbs.
[Faci page 432.
Kig. 79. A r>AKK Ukawim;
liF A Mi.rm(.,iali,ki>Inc.\vai.in-.
KaKADU TKIliR.
Fig. 81. Bark 1)ra\vim-, of
A MoRMO. Geimbio Trihk.
XIV DECORATIVE ART
433
The accompanying illustrations (Figs. 79 — 92) will
serve to give some idea of their nature. The colours
used are red, white, black, and yellow. They represent
the animals with which the natives come in contact, and
also their ideas in regard to the nature of certain mythical
and mischievous spirits. So far as the animals are con-
cerned, it is interesting to notice that the drawings are
always more or less anatomical, that is, they represent not
only the external form, but, to a certain extent, the
internal structure. The backbone is almost always repre-
sented, as are also the heart and main features of the
alimentary canal. Even in side view, as a general rule,
both eyes are drawn ; the animal has two eyes and so they
must be shown.
In the case of mythical beings, or Mormo, no such
delineation of internal, anatomical details is attempted,
because, perhaps, the native does not associate with them
such mere animal traits, but it will be noticed that in all
cases the sex is unmistakable. They are evidently drawn
to represent the external features which are associated with
them in the native mind.
The drawings represented in Figs. 79 — 92 will serve to
give a very fair idea of these bark drawings which are
amongst the most highly developed and interesting of any
made by Australian aboriginals. Fig. 79, which is four
feet six inches in height, represents a special Mormo called
Ingwalin. There are supposed to be plenty of them
living in the delborji, or caves, amongst the Ranges. They
are tall and thin, with plenty of hair on their heads. Each
one carries in his right hand a kadumango or club and in
his left a bunch of feathers called niaru.
These Ingwalin are supposed to visit the tree grave, or
wurkara, in which a dead native is buried. They put
their hands on the dead man, talk to him, and try to make
F F
434 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
him get up, but cannot do so. Then they make cor-
robborees and when they go away, other spirits called
Norminada come to see the body and they also make
corrobborees.
The explanation of the kadumango is that, sometimes, a
mischievous spirit from another locality may come to visit
the body, in which case the friendly Ingwalin drives him
away with his club.
' These Ingwalin only move about at night time, when
they can be heard making a noise that sounds like Err !
Err ! The medicine men can see them but no one else.
In Fig. 80 two very interesting drawings are seen.
The one on the left hand is called Nangintain, and is a
spirit associated especially with the Geimbio tribe. This
is one of those mischievous individuals who, every now
and then, leaves his own country and visits the Kakadu
and other neighbouring tribes. He looks out for boys
and young men and, if he finds one alone in the bush,
tries to lure him away and take his Iwaiyu, or spirit part,
from him. The only way in which the Iwaiyu can be
recovered is by the aid of a medicine man, who, earring a
Numereji snake under his arm, follows up the Nangintain.
When he finds the latter, he shows him the Numereji,
which so frightens the mischievous spirit that he hands
over the Iwaiyu to the medicine man, who then hurries
back to camp, carrying it in his hands, of course unseen
by ordinary men, and replaces it in the body of the
boy.
In the figure, the double projection from the back of
the Nangintain's head represents two very long ears, or
kadi. When he shakes these he makes a strong, rushing
wind. Both eyes are drawn and two sharply projecting jaws.
Then follows the neck which is succeeded by two spaces,
supposed to represent the moairu, or shoulder region. From
I i;. SCi. liAKK I ii;-\uim;^ oi' Twij M'lKMo, (IK I ii,i;ii -1 )r,i;ii.s. K\K\in
ri;ir.K. rill". I. Kir IIanp o\k is ( \i.i r.n Nam.ixtaix; iiie Riuni
1 1 \Mi I'N'i; Is Ai r\ \i'.
[face /'lA'^' 4 i4
XIV DECORATIVE ART 435
the front of this the two arms project and, from the back,
two outgrowths that are supposed to represent especially
long spines of vertebral bodies — much longer than in
ordinary men. On the right hand side of the body the
backbone is shown with the ribs attached and, on the left,
the two longitudinal spaces indicate the skin.
This spirit is really a kind of bogey, the supposed
existence of which is used by the older people to frighten
children and youths and prevent them from wandering
away from the camp fires at night time.
The figure on the right hand is a drawing of a spirit
called Auuenau, plenty of whom live in the rocky ranges
in the country of the Geimbio tribe. It is extremely
thin and attenuated and covered all over with hair, called
ifimp. There is a great bunch of hair projecting from
the back of the head, and from the neck a long, stiff,
curved spine hangs down which can be erected and
, waggled about, so that the natives can hear it making
a noise like a rattle. From the wrists, elbows, knees, and
ankles lines project ending in knobs, and these represent
bones that the spirit has taken from dead men and
fastened on itself From the pelvis there is a downward
projection, supposed to represent the mulowa, or lightning
which the natives always see on the hill tops at night time
' when the Auuenau is prowling about. The straight lines
above and below the hands and behind and under the feet
indicate maggots. The spirits are supposed to wander
about in search of dead men whose flesh they eat and can
only be frightened away by medicine men.
Fig. 8 1 represents a different type of spirit. This one
belongs to the Geimbio tribe and is supposed to fly about
in the daylight or moonlight but not on dark nights. It
lives amongst the bamboo trees, hanging on to special
ropes made out of banyan-bark string, called Mokino-
F F 2
436 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
borbu. It has flaps projecting from its body, which is
covered all over with hair, called ngoinbu, and has also two
masses called krabir, one on either side of its head.
This particular spirit is friendly to the natives and flies
about watching them. If it sees a native ill, out in the
bush, it goes to a medicine man and tells him. It is, also,
supposed to be margi, or medicine man itself.
In Fig. 82 two spirits belonging to the Geimbio country, •
but called Yerobeni by the Kakadu people, are drawn.
Some of these are women, others are men. They are
supposed to live in caves and holes in the ground, or in
banyan trees in the jungle, where they sleep at night time,
only coming out during the daytime, when they dance about .
under the tree graves but do not interfere with the bodies.
The woman on the left side is drawn with her head in
profile showing the long-drawn-out mouth and nose above
it. Towards daylight they can often be heard singing out,
yirkudda, quick, Koafungi, daylight, nungoitji, cold. They
can be seen by the margi, or medicine man, wandering
about in the bush, the man carrying a basket (drawn
hanging from his left shoulder) in which he collects
sugar bag, and the woman, who carries a digging stick,
searching for turtles and yams.
Fig. 83 represents a very special spirit which was first
seen by a medicine man named Mitjuombo. It is called*
Warraguk and is supposed to walk about in the day-
time, searching for mormo, or sugar bag. When at rest
it lives in the bamboos and paper bark trees, on to which
it hangs like a bat. Also it has flaps of skin running on
each side of its body from the arms to the legs, by means,
of which it flies. Its general form has certainly been
suggested by that of the " flying-fox," a large bat that is
very commonly met with in the jungle along the river
flats in the Kakadu country.
]-"i!^. Sj. Bakk Dkauim", of
A .MiiKMO, iM.I.Kn ^■|■;K^>IlIiIK^.
Kakai>ii Tkiiu:.
'■'S- ^3- !!a|;K llkAWINA; i 'K
A .MORMO, I.AI.I.EII WaRRAUUK.
Kakadu Tribe.
[Fa::e fagc .136.
Fit;. S4. Bakk Drawing of
Thki;f, Sxakes. The Two on
THE Lkkf Siiie are Narenma ;
THE Kir.irr Mand one is
Ngahaiiaua. Kakadu Tribe.
Bakk Drawing of
Crocodife. Ivakahu Trike.
1-i-. Sy. I', \i;k UnwviNc, ni. \ Kamiaroo Iii-\T. Kakaim- Tki
I 1^'. So. I'l \i;K I ii;A\viM', I
A Xa|I\L M'KARIM, a I.AKI'.E
Kakaiu' Tkii'.e.
[Be/7ver„ /,/: 456-7.
XIV DECORATIVE ART 437
Fig. 84 represents three snakes, the two left hand ones
being Narenma and the right hand, Ngabadaua, a snake
that figures largely in the traditions of the Kakadu.
Fig. 85 is a drawing of an Eribinjori, or large crocodile.
Behind the two jaws are the eyes, and behind them is the
tongue, or nainjil\ then follows the neck, or munganumo,
which is succeeded by the shoulder, or mundambir, from
which the front limbs project. The trunk and tail are
remarkable because they are drawn, as it were, in profile
so as to show the backbone running along the right side,
the scales on the under surface being also indicated. The
pelvic region, called parda, is marked by cross lines and
' has the hind limbs arising from it, and along the right side
of the tail the dorsal row of spines is drawn, with the
backbone below them.
Fig. 86 represents a special, very rare, form of black
kangaroo, called Madjiborla, that lives amongst the ranges.
■ The native is supposed to have been out searching for
Mormo, or sugar bag, with which he has filled the numalka
dilly bag that hangs from his neck. On the way back to
his camp he is supposed to have met the kangaroo, and is
represented running along with his spear-thrower, called
paliati, from which he has just hurled his spear. In this,
as in many of the drawings, there is no attempt made to
indicate the proportionate size of the human being and the
animal.
Fig. 87 is really a composite drawing. On the right
hand side there is a kangaroo, the main figure in the
drawing. Behind it there are two male figures, upside
down, who have nothing to do with the main scene.
Behind them is a man with a spear-thrower in his hand,
from which he has just thrown the spear that is entering
the kangaroo. Behind him, again, follows a woman,
' whose sex is indicated by her breasts. She carries a
438 NATIVE TRIBES OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA chap.
digging stick in her hand and a dilly bag hanging from
her head. Behind her is a man, evidently following up
the chase with a spear in his left hand and a spear-thrower
in his right. In front of the kangaroo is the figure of a
man who is supposed to be killing the wounded animal
with a club.
Fig. 88 represents three quite distinct thijigs. The
uppermost is a pigmy goose or peevi, the middle one is a
fish, called Baralil, and the lower is the stencilled drawing
of a hand. The latter is very often met with, and is
made by placing the hand, with the fingers extended flat
on a rock, or bark, surface and then blowing either red
ochre or white pipe clay over it from the mouth, with the
result that an outline drawing of the hand is left on the
rock or bark. Much has been written about the so-called
" red-hand " but in reality it has no special significance of
any kind whatever.
Fig. 89 represents a Kimberikara or Barramunda fish
{Osteoglossum leichardti). Along the back a line of tjali,
or flesh, is indicated ; below this there is the backbone, and
below this again the internal organs.
Fig. 90 is a drawing of a Jimeribunna, or native
companion {Grus australasianus) which has been speared
by a native. The relative proportions of the bird are well
shown and its internal anatomy indicated.
Fig. 91 is a most excellent drawing of an old, male,
palmated goose, or Kurnembo. The hard, horny crest on
the head, called kundeiya, is very characteristically drawn,
as is also the beak. The backbone is shown and, though
the wings had to be omitted, in order to indicate the
internal anatomy, the shoulder girdle is represented by the
cross lines, immediately at the base of the neck, along
which the oesophagus runs. The breast muscles, gizzard,
alimentary canal, and pelvic region are clearly outlined.
Kii;. 8S l; m;k I >l; \\\ I\i:. Till'.
Uri'lOK I'liirKi-. Is A I'ii.M\"
tioosK ; THE Minni.E is \ smai i,
E\RKA\irMiA FlSIl ; I'lIK ],i'\\KK
ARI-; STIiMTMKIi IIaNJis. KaKA-
lll' TklDE.
l-'ii;. 89. Bakk Ukawixg of a
Harramunija Fish [Osteoglossiuii
leiihardti). Kakadu Tribe.
{Face pag-e 438.
V\g. 90. Bark Drawing of a
Native spearing a " Nati\'e
Companion'' [Griis aiistra/asi-
anus). Kakadu Tribe.
: :.;H ;:■ 111
•I ill ' ;•:[• ■1171*1
Fig. 91. Bark Drawing of a
Pai.matiod Goose. Kakadu
Tribe.
::sv\i
XIV DECORATIVE ART 439
Fig. 92 is one of the best of the animal drawings. It
represents an Echidna, or erleringerlura. The strong,
compact body, with short legs, is very well expressed, and
there is no mistaking its identity.
Taking them altogether, the bark and rock drawings of
theKakadu, Geimbio, and Umoriu tribes represent, I think,
the highest artistic level amongst Australian aboriginals,
with the possible exception of the Melville and Bathurst
Islanders, whose art, however, shows indications of the
influence of some culture outside that of the Australian
Continent.
APPENDIX
Vocabularies and Notes on the Languages of the
Kakadu, Melville Island and Warrai Tribes, together
■with a List of Numerals in Eighteen Tribes.
One of the most difficult things to do whilst working
amongst Australian tribes is to attempt not only to learn
to speak but to write down their languages or dialects.
My experience has been that there is considerable variation
in the way in which different natives pronounce the same
word ; that even the same native pronounces it slightly
differently at different times ; that the number of syllables
in a word depends upon whether the native speaks slowly
or quickly, and lastly, that, in many cases, two white men,
hearing the same word pronounced by a native, would,
most probably, write it down in slightly different ways.
It is, for example, quite impossible, very often, to say
whether, in any word a particular consonant should be
written as k or g, b or f, d or t, as the case may be ; or
whether, amongst the vowels, a word should be spelt with
a short a or a. The word Arunta can, with equal
correctness, be spelt Arunta, Arunda, Aranta or Aranda,
in all of which ways it is pronounced by natives in different
parts.
It is quite possible to acquire a certain knowledge,
sufficient to hold converse with the natives and to be able
to understand practically everything of importance, but to
get beyond this and gain an accurate knowledge of the
finer points is the work of years.
442 APPENDIX
The following are a few brief notes on certain points in
regard especially to the Kakadu language, together with
short vocabularies of this and the Melville Island and
Warrai tribes. I have not included the terms of relation-
ship or the status terms, these are all given in the chapter
dealing with organisation, nor have I included many
special terms used in connection with ceremonies. These,
with their explanations, are given in the glossary.
In all cases the short vowel is indicated by an accent ;
when not thus indicated the vowel is long. The syllables
on which the accent is laid are indicated by the grave
accent.
(i) Kakadu Tribe : —
There are three numbers, singular, dual, and plural.
Each number has three persons and in some cases, as seen
in the following table of pronouns, there are two forms,
one indicating the male, the other the female gender.
Personal Pronouns. — i. Nominative :
I ngai or ngaiya.
We two (men or women) . . munferlma.
We (more than two men) . muneirdima or munfedlma.
We (more than two women) . muniyfembima.
You (one person) ngfeinya or ngelnyima.
You two (men) inyimina.
You two (if either or both are
women inyanja.
You (more than two men) . Iny^dima.
You (more than two women), inyfemblma.
He, she, it ngauuma.
They two (men) noormlnlma.
They two (women) noyuoinjima.
They (more than two men) , noordlma.
They (more than two women) noormba.
2. Possessive :
Mine, my ngai or ngainma.
Our (two) miin^ra.
Our (more than two) .... miinMa.
APPENDIX 443
Thine, your ngu or ngelnya.
Your (two) imEina.
Your (more than two) . . . Tn^da.
His, hers, its ngo.
Their (two) n6mina.
Their (more than two) . . . nonvida.
3. Objective :
Me, myself ngkinma.
You (one person) . . . . ngfeinyima.
Him (her) ngauuma.
You (two) inycimma.
You (more than two) .... inykdima.
There are no words for the articles "a" and "the."
The verb " to be " is not separately expressed. The
nominative is used. Thus : I am afraid is ngaiya or ngai (I)
kumeri (afraid) ; we two are afraid is miinertma kumeri and
so on. Again, to express the words the fish is no good,
they say nanjil (fish) kunoora (bad or no good) ; the men
are all dead is jereini (men) warTjl (dead) ge or dige (com-
pletely) ; I am cold is ngaiya nQngortji ; I was cold
yesterday is ngaiya mada nQngortji ; I am here is ngaiya
nQngari ; it is cold this morning or to-day is nSngortji
(cold) bordera (to-day) ; it will be cold to-morrow is
kormtlda nQngortji.
In the same way the verb " to have " is not separately
expressed. I have two spears in my camp is ngaiya
germtoda (two) kunjolie (spears) ngainma wilalu (camp).
Adjectives are usually placed before the words they
qualify, thus, this track is new is ngari (this) nigeri
(new) kobari ; that track is old is mQna purangwinyu
kobari. They are compared by means of the terms
malba, which is the comparative, and widjeru, the superla-
tive. Thus, hot is ibilara, hotter is ibilara malba, and,
very hot is ibilara widjeru. Good is ngandlda, better is
ngandKda malba, and best is ngandKda widjeru. In this
case, however, there is also a special word Tjiralala, which
means very good. If, for example, you say, the Ober
444
APPENDIX
ceremony is very good indeed, you use the words, tjiralala
Ober.
In the matter of gender, every natural object is regarded
as being either male or female and, in the case of the
numerals, there are distinct words according to the sup-
posed sex of the object. The following examples will
serve to illustrate this.
One stone ,
One hill
One Banyan tree ....
One Blood-wood tree
One Kunjil tree ...
One " old-man " kangaroo
One " old-woman " kangaroo
One male goose . .
One female goose .
One stringy bark tree
■ One paper bark tree
One Pandanus tree
One man , .
One woman .
Two women
Two men . .
Three men .
Three women
Four men
Four women
Five men . .
Five women
Six men . .
Six women .
pfeindi wlorkudua.
kuUukangi wlorkudua.
mukinoborbo wlorkudua.
kopfeita wlorkudua.
kunjil kunjil noorkudua.
pkrgo noorkudua.
juuluperi wlorkudua.
kurnfembo noorkudua.
kurnfembo wlorkudua.
roulu noorkudua.
ranken wlorkudua.
korngi noorkudua.
jer^ini noorkudua.
ingordua wlorkudua.
ingordua g^njida.
jerfeini gferminda.
jerfeini gferminda noorkudua.
ingbrdua genjida wlorkudua.
jer^ini g^rminda gferminda.
ingordua gfenjida gfenjida.
jerfeini yakadungltji (or yakaditji).
ingbrdua yakaditji.
jerfeini yakaditji noorkudua.
ingordua yakaditji wlorkudua.
Time is reckoned by moons or by seasons, everything
being more or less vague except the immediate present,
past, and future. The following are the more important
terms referring to time :
To-day or now bbrdera.
Yesterday mida.
Day before yesterday . . . onji (another) mkda.
To-morrow kormllda.
Day after to-morrow . . . bnji kormilda.
Evening morlimurfema.
APPENDIX 445
Early daylight gopiringa.
Soon bordferima.
Every day wirukada k6rmu.
All the time ara wirukada riikada.
Often ara wirilkara.
When or how long yakufenmi.
Sometime wulMi.
As long as mijnga milbba.
Any time nbinju wulMi.
By and by, later bMfera or pklera or pari.
Wait a little d6do.
Now or next kumina or kurmkna.
Never kaiyunga.
In regard to nouns there is, so far as I could ascertain,
no distinction between singular, dual, and plural. For
example, one man is jereini noorkudua ; two men is
jereini germinda ; a large number of men is jereini bali.
Nor is there any distinction between the Nominative,
Objective, and Possessive.
The following prepositions and terms indicating position
are used. Inside is araji, as, he is inside the tent,
ngauuma moiabu araji. Araji widdjeru is deep down.
Beneath is the same as inside, or the word wariji is used.
Wiriji is also used to mean dead, in the sense that a
dead person is beneath the ground ; thus, jereini wariji ge,
the men are completely dead or done for. Outside, is
kiinkadekangada or nSteurngati. Above is kanji, or gangi.
The right-hand side is Tjimllpuna; the left-hand side is
weingtin or weinytlngtin. Middle, or between, is ptlngSda.
The other side is iklti okita. This one, referring to an
individual or object, is nungari or ngari, the same term
being used for here. That one is ngaberi. This old
man is ngari miirabulba ; put it here is noeri ngari. On
this side is mungareya; on that side is ungarberiyu.
There, close to, is mtinna or mSnna; there, a long way
off, is ngaberi, the same word being used for that.
Where is yaninga or yana. Anywhere is nunkum
m&ngada ; everywhere is mtike mQngaberi. A long way
off is breikul. Close by, or close up, is jiroiigada. The
camp is a long way off is wiRlu breikul : he has gone a
446 APPENDIX
long way is yapo breikul. He is close by is ngauuma
joiongada. The latter word also means nearly, as,
jirongadda murora, nearly a murora, or old woman,
that is, growing old.
In ordinary conversation, the words for here, there, and
where, are, respectively, as given above, ningari (or ngari),
mQna and yana, but these, in precise conversation, are
modified according to the sex and number of the person
or persons referred to. This can be seen from the
following sentences: —
Where is your camp ? . . . yana wilMu ngeinya.
My camp is here ngainma wilMu ningkri.
My camp is there ngainma wilklu miina.
Where isRialmak (a woman)? ykninya Rialmak.
She is here yiniri.
Where is Mukalakki (a man) ? yana Mukalikki.
He is here ngari or ningiri.
Where are the women ? . . ingbrdua yanlmb6a.
They are here ngirimbung yanimba.
Where are the men ? . . . . jerfeini yanidua.
They are here ngaring g4da.
The women are there . . . ingordua munartmba.
The men are there jerfeini miinkda.
The numerals are as follows: —
One (male) no6rkudua.
One (female) wiorkudua.
Two (male) gferminda.
Two (female) gfenjida.
Three (male) gferminda nborkudua.
Three (female) gfenjida wiorkudua.
Four (male) g&rminda gferminda.
Four (female) gfenjida gfenjida.
Five yakadltji.
Six (male) yakaditji noorkudua.
Six (female) yakaditji wiorkudua.
Beyond six there is no actual counting in numbers. A
small mob, or many, is kudberi, a large mob, plenty or
very many, is balji.^ They have also two other words
' Mr. Cahill tells me that, before the advent of the white man, the
native did not count beyond ifive. With the advent of the Buffalo
APPENDIX 447
expressing quantity. The word ge or dige means
altogether, as, for example, jereini wariji ge, the men
are all dead. On the other hand the same word is used
to express the idea of completely or entirely, as, Yalmuru
wariji ge, the yalmuru (spirit) is completely dead or done
for.
Their ideas with regard to colours are very simple.
They recognise four colours. White is kupQlSpili; red
is murelamQremi ; yellow is worgejia; black is niirtim-
btingenyi. The names for blue, grey, brown, and green
are the same as for black. They call red ochre, kuteri.
The ordinary term for charcoal is kunbeltja, but there is
a special term, Miornai, which is applied to the charcoal
used during the mourning ceremony, called Morlil, and
the same word is sometimes used for black. Pipe clay is
nuorki, which also signifies white.
The verbs are most perplexing and, in the time at my
disposal, I was unable to do more than gain a certain
amount of knowledge sufficient for ordinary purposes.
There is no such thing, so far as I could find out, in the
Kakadu language, or indeed any other, as the equivalent
of " to be " ; nor is there, strictly speaking, anything which
is equivalent to " I am." If a native wishes to say I am
cold, he says ngaiya nungortji, that is, I cold. If he
wishes to say, I was cold yesterday, he says ngaiya mada
nungortji, I yesterday cold ; and if he wishes to say, I shall
be cold to-morrow, he says ngaiya kormilda nungortji,
I to-morrow cold. So again, I am afraid is ngaiya
kumeri ; I am hungry is ngaiya quialu ; my eyes are sore
is poro ngainma mornda.
There is also no equivalent for " to have " or " I have."
I have a spear is ngaiya kunjolio ; I have two wives is
ngaiya genjida ingordua.
The equivalent of the infinitive Is evidently the first
person singular of the present tense. Thus I go or walk
shooters, the natives learned, in connection with the counting of hides, to
use their hands and feet, the number twenty being expressed by kupkri
(or gubkri), kupkri ; niigei, nkigei, which means foot, foot ; hand, hand.
448 APPENDIX
is ngaiya areya ; I see or watch is ngaiya koregora (or
korekora) ; I go to see is ngaiya areya koregora. Then
again they have no such word as " to fish." If a man
wishes to say I am going to fish, he says ngaiya areya
nanjiJ, that is, I go fish (substantive). So, again, a drink
is karenja ; give me a drink is ngainma brau karenja, and
I drink is ngaiya karenja.
In most cases the verb is inflected in such a way that
without the pronoun before it, the singular, dual, and
plural numbers can be distinguished. As an example of
this we may take the present tense of the verb " see,"
which is as follows : —
I see ngaiya korfegora.
We (two) see mun^rima mirraworfegora.
We (more than two) see . . munfedima mirraworfegorada.
You (one person) see . . . ngfeinyima korfegora.
You (two) see inyaminna koregoramJnna.
You (more than two) see . . inykdima korfegorada.
He (or she) sees ngauuma koregora.
They (two) see noormteima koregoraminna.
They (more than two) see . no6rmba korfegorada.
These are representative of the terms ordinarily used,
but in addition to these they can express the gender by
means of the pronoun. Thus, for example, we (more
than two men) see is mGnedima mTrraworegorSda, but we
(more than two women) see is muntyembtma mtrrawore-
gorSda. Further than this the verb itself may be inflected
to indicate the difference in sex. Thus, for example, in
the case of the verb " eat " : —
He (one, man) eats . .
She (one woman) eats
They (two men) eat .
They (two women) eat
They (many men) eat
They (many women) eat
jano.
jano.
janumana.
janutnga.
janfida.
janilmba.
These finer inflections are not, however, employed in
ordinary conversation, in which the words used are usually
as few and simple as possible. In some cases one word is
APPENDIX 449
used, compounded of the pronoun and verb. For example,
we cook the opossum is mtinerima areinurda mftrnu. In
ordinary conversation, however, the two first words are run
into one and the native says murianurda mtlrnu.
Jn no case could I find a future tense. Futurity is
expressed by adding to the present tense some such word
as kormilda, to-morrow ; onji kormilda, the day after
to-morrow ; balera or pari, by and by. Thus, I go to
Owe is Owe areya ; I shall go to Owe to-morrow is Owe
kormilda areya ; I shall go to Owe (at some future time )
is Owe balera areya.
In most cases the first and third person singular are
identical in form.
The following may be taken as examples : —
(i) I run . . ... ngaia pal^bi.
We two run munferima murapalfebimina.
We three run munfeirdlmma murapal^bida.
You (one person) run . . . gneinya pal^bi.
You two run ng^inyarainna pal^bimina.
You (more than two or all) run inykmina palfebida.
He or she runs . . . . nauuma idpalfebi.
They two run noorminima palfebinjorimlna.
They (more than two or all)
run no6rdima palfebinjorlda.
(2) I ran gnaiya arapulkbinji.
We two ran munferima murapulabinjimini.
We (more than two or all)
ran munfeirdlma murapulabinjida.
You (one person) ran , . . nfeingyimma impulkbinji.
You two ran inykmina impul^binjimina.
You (more than three or all)
ran iny^dima impulkbinjida.
He ran . . . ngauiima pulabinji.
They two ran noorminima pulabinjimina.
They (more than two or all)
ran . . noordima pulabinjida.
(3) I want .... munirurfetma.
We two want .... . muriruraiminama.
We three want . . . muriruraidama.
You (one person) want . miinirurfetma.
You two want ... . . munirurainmtnama.
You three want . . muniruraidfetma.
G G
45°
APPENDIX
He wants
They two want
They three want . .
(4) I walk
We two walk
We three walk
He walks or goes
They two walk
They three walk
(5) I dream
We two dream
We three dream
You (one person) dream . .
You two dream
You three dream
He dreams
They two dream
They three dream
(6) I know
We (two) know
We (three) know
You (one person) know . .
You (two) know
You (three) know . ...
He (or she) knows . . .
They (two) know
They (three) know . .
(7) I am afraid
We (two) are afraid ....
We (three) are afraid . . .
You (one person) are afraid.
You (two) are afraid
You (three) are afraid . . .
He is afraid
They (two) are afraid . . .
They (three) are afraid .
(8) Where have I been ? . .
Where have we (two) been ? .
Where have we all been ? . .
Where have you (one person)
been ?
Where have you (two) been ?.
Where have you (three) been ?
Where has he been .'' . .
Where have they (two) been ?
Where have they (three) been ?
muntarurfetma.
mSntarurainupma.
miintarurkidma.
ajkingi or arfeya.
ajaingimina or mareyimina.
aJElingida or marfeyida.
yfeingi or ajkingi.
yeingimina or ajiingimlna.
y&ingida or ajaingida.
ariyeirtngma.
meriyeiringmma.
meriyeiringmida.
nfeiringma.
neiringmimina.
neiringmida.
deirtngma.
deiringmimina.
deirmgmida.
jud^ri.
juderingminna.
juderingida.
judM.
juderiminna.
judferida.
udferi.
uderingimina.
uderingida.
ngaiya kumferi.
munferima kumferi.
munfeirdimma kumferi.
ngfeinya kumferi.
inyaminna kumferi.
inykdima kumferi.
ngauuma kum^ri.
noormimma kumferi.
noordima kum&ri.
ngaiya ykninga ergfejima.
munferima ykninga muraejimina.
muneirdima ykninga murafejida.
ngfeinya yaninga ningfejlma.
inykmlna yaninga ingejimina.
inykdima yaninga ingfejtmida.
ngauuma yininga gfejima.
noorminima ykninga gejimlmina.
noordima yaninga gfejimlda.
APPENDIX 451
The form of a transitive verb, such as " I meet,'' " I
hit," is liable to be modified in accordance with the
number, singular, dual, or plural, of the object. Thus, for
example, I met you (one person) is ngaiya ngein yt ma
pap^rada ; I met you (two persons) is ngaiya inyamtna
purparamYna ; I met you (three persons) is ngiiya
inyadtma purpaltda.
Vocabulary.
Above gangi or kangi.
Again erapiilMa.
Alike, or all the same . . . ktiro.
Alive piferda or nokourli.
All over jibu wtdjeru.
Animal (general term) . . . m6rpiu.
Ankle w6rgi.
Another onji.
Ant, green tjMi.
Ant egg kudbulkmba nuwkji.
Any one noinju kkdi.
Any time n6inju wulkli.
Any where niinkiim miingMa.
Arm k6rto.
Armlet miirndi or winbfegi.
As long as mungamil6ba.
Ask tjeribukkiuna.
Bad, no good . . . . kuno6ra or murang6rnul.
Bag mfeila or malfeiappa.
Backwater, or eddy . . . moiyelnga.
Back orongkdi.
Bandicoot mini6rka.
Banyan tree miikinabbrbor.
Bark illengungi.
Beach midj^li.
Belongings ardi.
Beneath .... ... arkji.
Best*. ... . . . . ngkndida widjeru or tjiralMa.
Better ngkndida mMba.
Big . . mdrawardo or mirawara.
Black kunbfeltja.
Blind kum6rmo.
Blood-wood tree . . korori.
Bracelet, mourning .... kundkrmil.
G G 2
452 APPENDIX
Break quilfeila.
Brain g6iko.
Blood manungel.
Blue nurumbungfenyi.
Bog kuperkkapa.
Bones bendgra.
Branch kordunu.
Breast, of old woman . . . kroitji.
Breast, of young girl . . . nurrubul6rji.
Breast, of adult woman . . kumulungkorngu.
Breath boklur.
Bright kgrkpuna.
Brush, for painting .... kungott.
Burn nfeya.
Bush, scrub kkgur.
Camp wilalu.
Camp, men's wilalu umulakirri.
Camp, women's .... wilklu jerkiwin.
Camping ground, or local
centre murumbiidui.
Cane winbfegi.
Cane armlets winbfegi or murndi.
Canoe .... .... mudjipkra.
Catch ngdamiingi or yindamungi.
Charcoal, ordinary .... kunb<ji.
Charcoal, made from pea-
bush maiomi.
Cheek mkta.
Chest udkmba.
Child bikliUa.
Child, just born kurtinga lhr\.
Child, before born murunga buru.
Chin pkkada.
Clear vingarabillamirferi.
Close to jir6ngada.
Clouds, black thunder . . . dipopo ningbrji.
Clouds, cumulus kula kuli.
Clouds, stratus . . . . kula ben beri.
Club kadimkngo.
Cold murkoiyu or nungortji.
Collar-bone biinabana.
Come here ainji ningkri.
Come out, appear . ... ykpunga.
Cooked food numb6ri.
Corrobboree . . . mubilkbila.
APPENDIX 453
Corrobboree dance . . prfebuba.
Crayfish, fresh water ... langifeki.
Creek, fresh water tjukwura tjiikwur.
■ Crooked umbuderoidbi.
Crying w^irji.
Cut kotobera or rurtobera.
Cut finger kotobera nkigei.
Cutting back of hand to
obtain blood kunkulaba.
Cyclone murlibobo.
Dance jerkpo.
Dark kbrmu.
Darkness kormu ul^la.
Day after to-morrow . . . onji kormllda.
Daylight urbungobfeinni.
Daylight, early . . . . gopkringa.
Dazed m6rda.
Dead wkriji.
Dead person momow^i.
Deaf mororu.
Deep down arkji wtdjeru.
Deep arkji.
Dew korinjilmkra.
Dirty po6rne.
Dog (camp) kMju.
Dog (wild) k6r6na.
Don't koykda.
Down . . ngoinbu.
Dream or dreaming .... aramulbui.
Drink kureuja.
Dumb IMa.
Ear kkdi.
Earth, soil pulpftrne or majfeli.
East jimeru.
Eddy moiyknga.
Effects, general krdi.
Egg iwaji.
Egg with chicken b6mi.
Elbow ngiornburu.
Embryo, in womb .... murknga biiru.
Empty jerfewiu.
Emu koperfeipi.
Enemy murdume.
Enough . . . . . kalimma.
454 APPENDIX
Entirely wMjeru.
Every day wirukada kormu.
Everybody noftda naultda.
Everywhere muke nungaberi.
Exactly so kkla.
Excrement k6mo.
Eye poro.
Eyebrow mfelipir.
Eyelid mereblre.
Eye, pupil of wulkuala.
Eye, white of wurgedjlnia poro.
Fat paloma.
Female kumkra.
Fibula ykrdbi.
Fingers, altogether nkijei.
Finger, little kuallkwilla.
Fire kutjMi.
Fire stick, a lighted one . . makudju.
Fire stick, used for drilling . yingornu or ningornu.
Firm piferda.
Fish, general term for ... nknjil.
Fish net tjipbiyu.
Flesh tjali.
Flower, general term for . . piru6ngo.
Fog tjorlul.
Food, general term for . . . jam.
Foot kup^ri.
Foot, sole of kungnkdingbi.
Forbidden kumali.
Forearm inkoruji mala.
Forehead yhdi.
Friendly miborji.
Full or full up jkpul.
Full-bellied mapblio jkpul.
General effects krdi.
Ghost irraworkai.
Give wo or brau.
Good ngtindidda.
Good throats or singers . . murknamunga dunkitja.
Grass, dry, used as tinder . maporlbo.
Grass ngbinbu.
Grease juri.
Greedy (literally, big anus) . kumiirawkda nbro.
Green nurum bung^nyi.
APPENDIX 455
Growl, quarrel jeri.
Growling thing tjM j^riya.
Gully poyida.
Hair, in arm pit wingorku or wingorka.
Hair, on head krkbbi.
Hair, on arms and body . . ngoinbu.
Hair, pubic, of men . . . unkperil.
Hair, pubic, of women . . . kuperil.
Hand nkijei.
Hard piferda.
Head nkri.
Heat kiibelerferi or kobSlba.
Heel morliu.
Here ngari or ningkri.
High up, on top kinga or ginga.
Hill kiilaganga.
Honey bag raormo, jiilba, Tjinkngu.
Hot kub61pura or ibilira.
Hotter ibilkra malba.
Hottest, or very hot .... ibilkra widjeru.
Hungry quiMu.
Hut kobSnja.
Ill kutj^ri.
Inside arkji.
Juice jiiri.
Just so kkla.
Kangaroo, general term . . bkrgu.
Kangaroo, black nabirrapurngein.
Kangaroo, small murknura.
Kidney ilaiiala.
Knife, iron meri meri.
Knife, stone ... . keferli.
Language or talk tjikkru.
Large mira wara
Larynx jubilinjubora.
Laughing kumbkri.
Leaves mkrdil.
Leech b^itja.
Left hand weinyiingan.
Leg, as a whole pkrda dlge.
Lie down yori or tjikora.
4S6 APPENDIX
Lift up . . kfilaru.
Light dul6rpu.
Lightning p^rgu-
Like . fero.
Lily root parijiliji.
Lily cake mudukii.
Lily seed wuridjonga.
Little finger kuallawilla.
Loins .... . dipkka.
Long .... . . numberkba.
Longer ... . . numberkba mklba.
Longest ... . . numberkba widjeru.
Long way off ... . brfeikul.
Loose yengag^ri or mierumfigi.
Loud ipperaburburkri.
Louse rkdi.
Lubra, young gerkiwin.
Lung wfilangftnji.
Lying mouth, untruthful . . kobalkna jkpul.
Macasser man munkijirra.
Magic kumklida.
Male pkrla.
Many bkli or balji.
Mate maringumina.
Medicine man margiino or mkrgi.
Menstrual flow kupira medjkner.
Miamia ... moiabu.
Middle or between pftngada.
Mist tjorlul.
Mob, small kudbferi.
Mob, large balji.
Moon mklpa.
Moon, new nigferi malpa.
Moon, full mirrawirra mklpa.
Morning kurnmkmada.
Mosquito moina.
Moth pukitpkgu.
Mouse daigu.
Moustache tjkli.
Mouth jkpul.
Mouth wide open maiinya.
Mud wiinmkli.
Mussel majina.
Nail kunalinfeli.
APPENDIX 457
Name . . . . . . narkma.
Navel string mumkilma.
Native companion (bird) . . jimferibunna.
Neck ■ muraranuma.
Net, fish chipoiyu or kungungkuru.
Never kaiyunga.
New nig^ri.
Night mkdida.
Nipple of man's breast . korngu poro.
Nipple of woman's breast . . korngu kundinda.
No, don't koiykda.
No good kunooru.
North nkgbaru iiba.
Nose gefeimi.
Nostril mupkirma.
Not kaiu, kaio, kaiano.
Now bordera.
Ochre, red kudferi or nungoli.
Often wurfekara.
Old man murabiilba.
Old woman muroru.
Old (as of a track) pfirangwinyu.
Old (man) bar^nga.
Opossum mftrno.
Outside kimkadekkngada or niteurngctte.
Paper bark tree r^nken.
Paper bark rinken.
Penis pkrla.
Perhaps, may be feinjua.
Perspiration kobdlba.
Pipe clay nuorki.
Plain or open country . . maporlio.
Plenty bklji.
Porpoise wuroiipu.
Post . tjilbknba.
Put or place kulapuna.
Quarrel .... jhrl
Queer, strange . . . uragMi.
Quick, quickly kudirabu or murabtnoijeru.
Quiet joiingo.
Quill feathers m6rge.
Rain kurikio or kuraku.
4S8 APPENDIX
Rasp munabdra bkla.
Rat k6rlpa and mSnorlpa.
Red murelamurfemi.
Red ochre kudferi or nungoli.
Resin kkpei.
Return auworkai.
Right, all right, just so . . . kala.
Right-hand side tjimklpuna.
Run palfebi.
Sacred or secret kumkli.
Same as, alike hro.
Sand bank mukamferli.
Scrub kigur.
Sea tjidfeima.
Shark munabulbulba.
Shelter or shade moiabu.
Shoulder arfeji.
Shouting murragkra.
Sick kutjeri.
Silent jotingo or kutimbo.
Singing mubilkbiUa.
Skin k&ngir.
Sky kulMi.
Sleep orSnga.
Slowly tjilfebada or tjib^ibi.
Small malknila.
Smell tjori.
Smoke kungMri.
Soft place, for camp, etc. . . quilfeila wilklu.
Some one noinjukorida.
Some time wulali.
Soon bordferima.
Sore moiyu.
Sorry minborji or mund^ima.
Sour kudjlra.
South uluarfera.
Spear kunjoilu.
Spear-thrower, curved . . . palikti.
Spear-thrower, straight . . . tjinkngu.
Spider kobolba.
Stalk ■ . . kordunu.
Stick for pricking boils . . . murkirga.
Stomach map6rlio.
Stone, small pfeindi.
Stone, large gSimbi.
APPENDIX 459
Straight jormilda.
Strange uragSdi.
Striking buttocks niupiribo.
Stringy-bark tree ... . roiilu.
String, made from Banyan
bark miikinaborbor bori.
Strong piferda.
Sun kobSlpa.
Sunrise injebkrabu.
Sunset kobolpinjkri.
Sunshine kobolplriada.
Sweat kubklba.
Sweet yiinguntatabklbo.
Tabued kumkli.
Tail tjali.
Talk tjikkru.
Talkative tjikkri tjikarino.
Tall mumumerwara.
Teeth rferi.
There mSna or mflna.
Thigh pkda.
Thirsty tjuferii.
Thin mukerawida.
Throat murknuma or muranamiinga.
Throw, I pudaruba.
Thunder pop6i.
Tibia mukamkka.
Tide, rising- kadjlra ngkinji.
Tide, falling tjo6rgai.
Tide, high par^l.
Tight piferda.
Tinder, dry grass, etc. . . . maporlbo.
Toes, generally umberkba kumilewtla.
Toe, great gumerkdi.
Toe, small kualawlla.
Toe nail kunalinfeli.
Tongue nzlinjil.
Totem jerfeipunga.
Track y6ri or kuberlokirda.
Tree jibkra.
True tjlrmuda or tjurmida.
Trunk jibkra.
Under arkji or wkriji.
460
APPENDIX
Very . .
Vulva or female
Wand, of paper bark
Warm
Wart on gum tree
Water . . .
Water, fresh
Water, salt ....
Waterhole
Wasp, mason
Wax
Weak, like a child
Weak, ill
West
Wet
What, what is it, what does
it mean
When
Where
Which way or how ...
White men
White
Whole lot
Wind
Wing of goose
Wood
Worse
Worst
Wrist
Wristlets of cane
widjeru.
kumara.
yantlla.
kubolpura.
tar.
kkru.
kkru widjeru.
kudjfera.
mfeiri.
ulmormo.
mormo, etc.
kibeba nok6ra.
mbmda.
petra.
nungferi.
amfeina.
yakufenmi.
yeina or ySninga.
ykma.
bcllanda.
kupiilapkli.
dige, or ge.
tju6rgo.
norkun.
jibara.
murang^rnul milba.
niurangornul widjeru.
koromkjil.
winbfegi.
Yes ov/hi.
Yellow worg^jia.
Sentences, etc.
The post is firm . . .
The fish is no good . . .
This is a black-fellow's oven
This is good to eat ....
This is bad, don't eat it .
This is bad, leave it . . .
The water is in the basket
Ungara comes
A mob of men is coming .
Two men are coming . .
tjilbknba piferda.
nknjil kunooru.
ngari pfeindi.
ngari mungkdida jau.
ngari mornda, koykda jau.
ngari mornda, maipkri.
karu mangul arkji.
TJngara rkingi.
jerfeini bkli rkingida.
gferminda jerfeini raingtmina.
APPENDIX
461
Ungara goes quickly ....
He goes under
Ungara goes slowly ....
I am going into the bush . .
I am going into the bush to-
morrow
I go to Owe (if not started) .
Where are you two going (if
persons addressed are en
route)?
We (two) go to Owe .
I went to Owe yesterday . .
You (two) went to Owe yes-
terday
He went to Owe yesterday .
They all went to Owe yes-
terday
Did anyone go to Owe yes-
terday ?
Everybody has gone to Owe
Yes, Ungara went yesterday
I go to fish
We (two) go to fish . . .
No, I am going to hunt for
Emus
I will go with you . .
Come along, we (two) will go
I think I see a crocodile
We will go at once . .
Bring two spears . . .
I will bring two womeras .
To-night we sleep at Urabil
To-morrow we look out for
Emu
We will spear plenty .
It is cold this morning
I make a fire
Someone has taken my knife
Has anyone got my knife ? .
Has anyone seen my knife ? .
Your knife is here . .
I cut myself ....
Ungara yfengi murrabinotjeru.
jkpo arkji.
Ungara tjibfeibi yfengi.
arfeya kkgur.
arfeya kkgar k6rmilda.
ngai arfeya Owe.
yaninga ajaingimtna.
ajaingimtna Owe.
ngai Owe mida yapu.
inyclmina Owe mida ngeinbtmina.
nganuma Owe mada ykpu.
no6rdima Owe mkda y^pu.
noinjukkdi Owe ykpilda mkda.
nofida nauida Owe ykpiida.
Ooi, Ungara mkda yapu.
ngkiya arfeya Ueinjil.
munferima marfeylmina nclnjil.
koykda, ngkiya arfeya.
kopereipi kunguripera.
ngkiya arfeya k^dbi.
brfeiya mar^ya.
feinjua eribinjori araworfegora.
wi6rkida marfeya.
berkga gfenjida pMara.
gtejida tjinkngu murabikkinja.
mkdida marfeya Urabil.
kormilda koperfeipi kumiraaripuiu.
miinerekurida bklji.
niing6rtji b6rdera.
ungerfenia kutjkli.
noinjuk6rda merimeri ngkinma
ungkngada.
noinjuk6rda merimeri ngkinma
nugerkda.
noinjukorda merimeri ngkinma
norekftrada.
ngfeinya merimeri ngari.
ngai ngkinma kotbbera.
462 APPENDIX
I cut you ngai ngfeinyima kotbbera.
Ungara has gone to catch
a bird Ungara ykpu morpiu m6rpiu
ngdamungi.
Ungara went to catch a bird,
but did not Ungara ykpu mbrpiu morpiu
ngdamungi kaiiino.
Ungara climbs a tree to catch
an Opossum 'Ungara jibkrubiina Wjeri mfirno
ngdamungi.
Ungara has caught an Opos-
sum and killed it .... Ungara mfimo ngdamiingi da-
pungi.
We will go and see him . . marfeyida worfegora.
He has gone a long way off . ykpo brfeikul.
No, he is close by . ... kkiu ngauiima jirongidda.
I know where he has gone ngaiya jud^ri ykninga j^po.
He is in his miamia . . . ngauuma mbiabu arkji.
I am afraid of him ngaiya kumferi ngauuma.
I go on the outside, Ungari
on the inside, and Muka-
lakki in the middle .... ngaiya nateungite, Ungara arkji,
Mukalakki pfingada.
The flesh is inside, skin and
hair outside tjkli arkji, ketngir ng6inbu kiin-
kadek^ngadu.
Come here, quickly . . . prkngwa kudirkbu.
Go into the scrub and get
a stick ng6ro kkgur jibkra mknga.
Come here and make a fire . brfeiya kutjkli kure^nia.
Is it alight ? Yes . . . . yfeUa pureSni. Ooi.
Are there plenty of ashes ? . kubkli kumilkri.
Make a hole in the ground
and put some ashes in . . ngkrul kutjiferma walklu kumi-
lkri noferi.
Shall I put any stones in ? . p^indi kiira noferi.
What shall I do next ? . . . ya urgiirnmi kurmkna.
Get some leaves, or give me
some leaves mkrdil ma.
I have got some, what shall
I do next marakuri (this is a compound of ma,
got or get, and kurmkna, next).
Get some paper bark . . . rinken ma.
Wrap the opossum in the
paper bag murno tjiroijua rctnken murtapilra
Put the opossum in the hole. murno ngkrul noferi.
APPENDIX 463
I cook the opossum .... murno areenia.
Cover it with earth tjelrpi majfeli.
How long must it stay in
the oven ? yangema djeingi pfeindi.
I will tell you when to take
it out ergenminya kurm^na kumknga.
I will tell you when it is
cooked ergenminya kurmkna napori.
The opossum is cooked . . murno napori.
Shall I take it out now ? . . trrima kunknga kkla ?
No, I will tell you when . . Koykda, ergenmtnya balfera.
Wait a little dodo.
It is cooked now ; take the
earth off napori kkia ; majMi puderpfebi.
Now lift the opossum out . . murno mukaninga.
My word, it is hot ; it has
burnt my fingers keikili, eibulferi ; jkninga niijei.
Never mind, take it out . . . ninja, mukananga.
Where shall I put it ? . . ykninga iiruowferi ?
Put it here no&ri ningkri.
Now we will cut it up ... murorut6rberi kkla.
Give me a stone knife . . . brau keferli.
Where can I get one ? . . . ykiia ir^ma ?
Go to your father's camp . . ngoro wilklu ngfeinyima pkpa.
All right kkla.
I cannot find one kkiu burknida.
Go and ask your elder brother
for one . . ... ngoro ngfeinyima barknga
tjerubukkiuna.
Be quick, run Kudirkbu, palfebi.
Is it here ? ningkri ?
Yes, I have got a big one . . Ooi, mirawkra urafiri.
Give it me brau, ngainma.
Watch what I do porfekora ya erg^nmi.
Give the kidneys to that old
man ilkuala wo ngabferi murabulba.
Give the head to this old man nkri wo ningkri murabulba.
Give the hind leg to that old
woman pkrda wo ingkberi muroru.
Give the front leg to your elder
brother ... ... kbrto wo gnfeinylma barknga.
Can I eat any ? ngkiya mer&rinja ?
Will you give me any ? . . ngkinma brkuu ?
No, you are too young kkio ngfeinya biklila.
No, little boys must not eat
opossum koykda, kumkli miimo bialila
464 APPENDIX
I have eafen a little .... ngaiya erfeippi.
You will be ill soon .... b6rdera kutjferi ngeinya.
I am frightened, what shall I
do ? ngaiya kum^ri amfeina ergenmi ?
No good now ; it is too late
now ; soon you will die . . kkiu kkla ; ungumul6bu kkla ; bordera
ngfeinya wkriji ge.
I speak the truth all right . . kMa ergkminyu tjurmilda.
Go and ask your mother for
some yams ngoro, ngu k6iyu tjiinara
tjerubukkiuna.
My mother sits down in her
camp, she is ill ngaivima k6iyu dj^ui wilklu, kutj^ri.
Well go to her sister .... ngoro kkla ngo mak6rngo.
She is away in the bush . . ngauuma kkgur.
All right, go away and play . kkla, ngoro jerierfergi.
(2) Melville Island : —
So far as I could ascertain the Melville Islanders have
only two numbers, singular and plural. If they wish to
express the dual they use the pronouns we, you, or they,
followed by the word irSra or Qr^ra, which means two.
Personal pronouns.
I or me ngia.
Thou Inta.
He, she or it ngkrra.
We ngkga.
You ngua or ngviwa.
They wiirda.
You two, is ngua irlra ; you and me, is muadu irarra ; you
and he, is nguadu irara ; you three, is nguadu uradjirima;
we three, is ngagadu uradjirima ; all of us, is ngaga te
quabi ; all of you, is ngua te quabi ; all of them, is
wurda te quabi. The form of the objective is the same as
that of the personal ; thus, I met you, is ngia inta
papinji.
There are no words for the articles, " a " and " the."
The verb to be is not definitely expressed. The nomi-
native is used. Thus, I am hot, is ngia iquonari.
APPENDIX
465
The following are the more important terms referring
to time : —
To-day, Now ning3.ni.
Yesterday auulkra.
Day before yesterday . . . auulkra ngunga.
To-morrow bung^ri.
Day after to-morrow .... bungiri ngunga.
Evening tupapferli.
Morning • . pungkri.
Now ningini.
All the time, every day . . auerau iinga knerau unga.
Long time ago . . . . bvirlin kri.
Then wiinigini.
After wianabini.
Before or first time .... punklnyi.
Last night tjapini.
Never anunga.
Again tuwawunga.
The following prepositions and terms indicating posi-
tion are used : —
Far away karkmpi.
Very far away kSrkti kfera.
Near gedfei.
Very near gedkrin ged^i.
Between
Outside
Inside or underneath .
Middle . . .
Here ...
There
bundua.
tulinginni.
ilkru.
pundiia.
auungdra.
gedku.
The numerals are as follows :-
One .
Two
Three
Four .
Five .
Six . .
Seven
Eight
Nine .
Ten .
yferti.
irllra or iirira.
uradjlrima or uradjiruma.
yadapindi.
binginida.
kuringuda yferti.
kuringuda irkra.
kuringiida uradjuruma.
kuringuda yadapJndi.
wamuta irkra.
H H
466 APPENDIX
As in the case of the Kakadu tribe it is most likely that
the terms for numbers above five have only been intro-
duced during recent years, as a consequence of the natives
coming into contact with buffalo shooters.
So far as colours are concerned, they only recognise
four, white is tuteinguni ; red is yaringa ; yellow is
arigeninga ; black is tuniwinni. For blue, brown and
green they have no separate terms at all ; if they use any
they use the term for black.
In the case of verbs, as in the Kakadu and other tribes,
there is no equivalent of " to be " or " to have " and the
infinitive mood is represented by the first person singular of
the present tense ; thus, I drink, is nglram-mangaba and
the same word is used for to drink. The following may
be taken as examples. They differ from those of the
Kakadu language in the absence of a termination that
indicates the number : —
(i) I see ngia abfeiya.
You see inta tabfeiya.
He sees ngarra aurabfeiya.
We see ngaga ngauarabfeiya.
You see . . ngua ngurabfeiya.
They see wurda urabfeiya.
(2) I want . ngia abatimkndi.
You want inta nimbatimJindi.
He wants . . ngirra abatimindi.
We want ngkga nabatimkndi.
You want ngua nimbatim4ndi.
They want . . .... wurda ubatimkndi.
(3) I eat ngia ngirimulkdja.
You eat ... inta tkmuladja.
He eats ngkrra auramulkdja.
We eat ng^ga ngaurimulkdja.
You eat ngiia ngurimulkdja.
They eat wiirda uramulkdja.
(4) I drink ngia ngirimangkba.
You drink inta tamangkba.
He drinks ngarra auramangkba.
We drink ngkga nguaramangkba.
You drink ngiia ngurimangkba.
They drink wurda uramangkba.
(5) I watch ngia ngupkquinjin^ra.
APPENDIX 467
You watch ninta tJiquinjinfera.
He watches ngkrra aviriquinjiinfera.
We watch ngkga ngkuraquinjln^ra.
You watch ngua ngxirakuinjinfera.
They watch wurda uraquinjin^ra.
(6) I throw ngla ngupkiniyau.
You throw ninta tkniyau.
He throws ngkrra aurkiniyau.
We throw ngkga ngaurkiniyau.
You throw ngua ngurkiniyau.
They throw wurda urkiniyau.
(7) I go ngia ngupuori (or ngubokri).
You go inta ngupu6ri.
He goes ngkrra apu6ri.
We go ngkga ngapuori.
You go ngua nupuori.
They go wurda upu6ri.
(8) I went ngia ngirapubri.
You went inta ngirapuori.
He went ngkrra ipubri.
We went ngkga ngarrapuori.
They went wurda purrapu6ri.
(9) I go to fish ngia ngupu6ri mobtdi.
You go to fish inta ngupu6ri moWdi.
He goes to fish ngkrra apubri mobtdi.
We go to fish ngkga ngapu6ri niobWi.
You go to fish ngiia nupu6ri mobtdi.
They go to fish wurda upu6ri mobtdi.
(10) I sleep ngia bi^ni.
Thou sleepest inta biSni.
He sleeps ngarra blfeni.
We sleep ngaga biSni.
You sleep ngua biSni.
They sleep ... ... wurda bteni.
(11) I dig ngia urubakuriinguma.
Thou diggest inta takuriinguma.
He digs ngkrra abakurtinguma.
We dig ngkga nabakurunguma.
You dig ngiia nurakurunguma.
They dig wurda urbakurunguma.
(12) I dream ngia bikpia.
You dream inta bikpia.
He dreams ngkrra bikpia.
We dream ngkga bikpia.
You dream ngua bikpia.
They dream wiirda bikpia.
H H 2
468 APPENDIX
Dream bi^pia.
Last night I dreamt .... tjaptni bikpia.
Long time ago I dreamt . . biirlinclri bikpia.
(13) I cook ngJa ngupiiaiyuima.
You cook , inta taiyukma.
He cooks ngirra auraiyukma.
We cook ngkga nguraiyukma.
You cook ngua nguraiyukma.
They cook wvirda uraiyukma.
C14) I like ngia ngupatimkndi.
You like inta ngupatimkndi.
He likes ngkrra abatimkndi.
We like ngkga ngaurbatirakndi.
You like ngvia ngimbatimkndi.
They like wurda urbatimkndi.
(15) I take ngia gnirimaruri.
Thou takest inta gnimbamaruri.
He takes ngkrra abamaruri.
We take ngiga ngaurbamaruri.
You take ngua ngimbamariiri.
They take wurda urbamariiri.
Above kiriu.
After wianabini.
Afternoon aurlunnkri.
Again tuwawunga.
Air wailini.
All, everyone te qukbi.
All the time or every day . . kuerau iinga, kuerau vinga.
Ankle • . . '. muro buga.
Arm (as a whole) tagiida.
Arm proper irrimbunga.
Armlets bamagfinni.
Armlets bamajinni.
Armlets tagalinga.
Armlets tjungiidi.
Armlets waijinni.
Armlets warramunguni.
Back vilmida.
Bad jidi, or mkjidi.
Bamboo, Strips of, on canoe
used for sewing bark
together yeryitti.
Bandicoot kibkbu.
Bark . . ... dunga or mundanunga.
APPENDIX 469
Bark mopira.
Bark basket wunga dunga.
Beach tingferta.
Before punklnyi.
Between bundua.
Big lot te qukbi.
Bigger lot te qukni.
Big mob . . dkia qu^bi.
Bird takambui.
Black or black charcoal . . tuli wfini or tuli wtei*.
Blood-wood tree wanning gfetti.
Bones alanura.
Brains bini um b&ni.
Breast bone mkripur butja.
Breath wailini.
Bush shade or miamia . . . truwflni.
Camp jebuju.
Canoe birra.
Canoe paddle parika.
Charcoal itima.
Cheek iri umkeir um bulunga.
Chest urpupa.
Chin irinam biira purtja.
Clean malaI6ya.
Cloud iragunga.
Cockatoo ink^ka or ingkga.
Cold imungaurltmi.
Cold, very imungaurliruwtni.
Collar bone angimb^ina.
Corrobboree y6ii.
Crab, hermit kroran.
Creek, fresh water magkrtinga.
Creek, salt water ykdi.
Crocodile kringobii or yferingabki.
Crooked kuUalkga.
Cross or angry ibknkura or miti^iri.
Crying nabagundSri.
Dance yoe.
Day traman wdni.
Daylight or early morning . pungkri pungkri.
Day after to-morrow .... pungeiri gnunga.
Day before yesterday . . . anul^ra gnunga.
Dead wkia andingi or tjimukura.
Dirty napaitjfenni.
470 APPENDIX
Dog (domesticated) .... wongtni.
Dog (wild) thi amtei.
Done, finished, etc wkia.
Dream bi4pia.
Duck migigili.
Dugong tjimfeiwi.
Ear mikangduna
Earth biirawurdi.
Echo imfinga.
Elbow iniira.
Enemy anflnga yamandftni.
Enough tua.
Evening tupap^rli.
Everybody, all about . . . th qukbi.
Eyes ■ pitchira.
Eye brow umuriinga.
Eye lash kalimbalfeya.
Eye lid aiinkaWmpa.
Eye, white of the alin kklim murunda.
Far karkmpi.
Few uraranftra.
Fine day ningili ylripiika.
Fingers ikkira.
Finger nail kiriniunkna.
Fire iqukni or igone.
Fire stick wandunga.
First time punkinyi.
Fish mubMi.
Flower ulSka.
Foot mulumbfira.
Fore arm irabWa.
Friend pongi.
Friendly pf>ngi.
Good to eat burknji gnarumalidja.
Good to drink burknji gnaramungkba.
Good, very kviru barknji.
Goose urguWgi.
Grass gnobunga.
Ground barawferti.
Gully yarawini.
Hair on arm, etc it jtma.
Hair of head muriila.
APPENDIX 471
Hair girdle itjtoa.
Hair, ceremony of pulling out btirinan.
Hand wamfita.
Hand, palm of wamfita.
Handle of bark basket . . . obagudumirra.
Hard or firm yiwuruma.
Head tjuklna.
He, him ngkrra.
Here auungkra or inkit^ra.
Hide (of buffalo) . . . . mop\ra.
Hill tumbflka.
Hole yungamfni.
Honey ingwidi.
Hot iquonkri iquone.
Hot, very nad^na iquonkri.
Ill itfina.
Insect karakkringa.
Insides generally matukamlni.
Island, small rkdtu witi.
Jungle fowl . kuruli minga.
Kangaroo tjerika.
Knee imbflla.
Land timSni.
Larynx mirkka.
Laughing ........ takaqutni.
Leaf pir^rdi or parclrdi.
Leg (as a whole) inkftla.
Leg (proper) budakulkna.
Lightning kaiunga.
Lip Iri bundfera.
Loins yambflri mula.
Loose auintarap&la*
Magic anundamaltni.
Man djidlngurin.
Many ningkti, te qukbi or te qukni.
Mangrove (general name) . . bumburunga.
Mangrove, black b^raker.
Mangrove,white marabunga.
Mate . . . .• amandttni.
Me ngia.
Middle pundua.
472 APPENDIX
Mob, big te qukbi.
Mob, bigger te qu^ni.
Mob, small ningati.
Moon jablra.
Moonrise waia jabSra babknan.
More tuwkwunga.
Morning pungkri.
Moustache dundun bl^ia.
Mouth tri bundfera.
Mud b&ra bantti or wunmali.
Mullet takarima or takaringa.
Native companion . ... jllSti.
Near gedfei.
Necklet worn during initiation marunguni.
Never . anunga.
Night jaMni.
No naijidi.
No good to drink majidi gnarmangkba or imbkjam
gnarmangkba.
No good to eat majidi gnarumaladja, arruma-
Ifedja ornibumalfedja.
No more, none, etc. . . . anunga.
Noon imina piira.
Nose iri undkmera.
Nostril Iri undkmura yangamtei (hole).
Now ningctni.
Ochre, special form of red namangkran.
Often gnabaiya jSra.
Opossum warnunga
Outside ilaru.
Pandanus miferti.
Paper bark tree tilma.
Paper bark tuma.
Pigeon mftrapulingtei.
Plait, made by sewing strips
of cane together urabftnga.
Pleased or glad auinteraMli.
Pupil kilitunua.
Quick mirkra.
Quick, very mira mirkra.
Rain pakadferinga.
APPENDIX 473
Rat bambunga.
Red or red ochre yiringa.
Red ochre namangkran.
Rough mulunga.
Rough day ningMi pkilingarra.
Sand bank tingferta.
Sea kubtla.
Sea bird witcher^ni.
Shade, bush, during initiation maletni.
Shadow imauka.
Shark turtuferli.
Shell dfemba limbunga.
Shell, large trochus .... bar^nga.
Shell used for carrying ochre,
etc bujeroni.
Shooting star mabunuri.
Shoulders imberSta.
Shouting kooii.
Shout, I ngia kooii.
Shout, you inta kooii.
Sideways yertuini.
Sick or bad . . itina.
Singing uburma gamu.
Skin mopira.
Skull tualina.
Sky niguka.
Small lot ningkti or ningiiti.
Slow mimana.
Slow, very mamana utki.
Smooth aba parati.
Snake tkniga.
Soft . . bambullni.
Sole of foot mllla ur^ra.
Soon, now ningfini.
Sorry urkri ubakrfei.
Sour mallakiti or kamunga.
Spear walunka (general term).
Spear, single barbed .... wallunka (barbs wide apart).
Spear, single barbed . . aunurgitj (barbs close).
Spear with barbs one side . tjukerltti.
Spear with barbs both sides . ulunguringa, or tj.
Spear, double barbed . . tjunkullti.
Spear for boys, short playing aligiida.
Spirit of living man . . . Imbungtei or Imbanglni.
Spirit of dead man urungura or arungkra.
474 APPENDIX
Spirit, mischievous mapurdtti.
Stalk indftria.
Stomach wika (paunch).
Stomach ur^ra.
Star japa liika.
Stone wairinga.
Straight turkpia.
Striking buttocks bknu-bknu.
Stringy bark tree mindan unga.
Strong yiwfiruma.
Sun ptiqui.
Sunrise ambknan waia dawlja.
Sunset tupa pferli.
Sweet inktring wS.ti.
Teeth inkdni.
Teredo (good to eat) . . . marunyi or mirupungjini.
Teredo (no good to eat) . . makijS.ba.
Then wiinigetni.
There ninnfei.
There gfedau.
They wiirda.
Thigh dandkna.
Thou inta.
Throat mulua.
Throwing stick murokSnga.
Thumb kiringfidi.
Thunder bummerkila.
Tide tjMu urdi.
Tide, high tjalu urdi imamultgi.
Tide, low tjalu urdi andfera ingkli.
Tide, falling ^da birring nali.
Tide, rising wairbi.
To-day ningS.ni.
Toes mulakangdkna.
Toe, big miling kurti.
Toe nail mitkra.
To-morrow bung&ri.
Tongue gnuripata.
Tree or shrub tim^ni.
Turkey kankanJlni.
Turtle, salt water kirkulkni.
Under ilkru or ileiru.
Very bad jidi jidi.
APPENDIX
Very far .
.... kerkti kfera.
Very near
.... gedkrin ghdei.
Wait
. . . ankba.
Warm
.... iquonkri ngarra.
Water, fresh . . .
.... kokuni or kaiipo.
Water, salt ....
.... winga.
Water hole . . . .
.... koku^
Wax
.... niferdima.
We
.... ngkga.
We three
.... ngl.gadu uradjtrima.
Weak
. . . upaurWridi.
What for ? why ? . .
■ • • )
What is the matter ?
. . . >gkmadu, kamkia, wor
What do you want ?
. . . J
Whiskers
. . . . tunima.
Whisker rubbing .
. . unima ubabrulua.
White or white pipe c
lay . . tute(ing)ianni.
White men . . .
. . . . murundini.
Wind
. . . unintjiika.
Woman
. . . . imballnia.
Wood . .
. . . . timarferinga, or tkkka
Yam I . . . .
. . . . kolema.
Yam 2
. . . . murknga.
Yam 3
. . . . yerini.
Yam 4
bordkri.
Yam (5) ... .
. . . wakajinni.
Yam (6)
. . , murunganini.
Yam (7)
. . . . morkni.
Yam roots . . .
. . . . hjimma.
Yam stick ....
. . . . alaguni.
Yellow or yellow ochr
e . . . arigfeninga.
Yes
. . . . koa.
Yesterday
. . . . anulkra.
You
. . . ngua.
You and me . .
. . . mukdu irkra.
You and he . . .
. . ngukdu irkra.
You two . . . .
. . . nguk irkra.
You three
. . . . ngukdu uradjirima.
475
Short Sentences, etc. :
That water is cold ...
That water is very cold . . .
That one is no good to eat
kukoni aiira fmungaiirlimmi.
kuk6ni nununki imungaurlimmi.
aura majidi arrumaledja.
476 APPENDIX
What is your totem ? ... Inta ananfinga pukui.
Very nearly dead (already
gone away spirit) .... wkia yipuiiri irungSra.
I am coming now ngia ninglLni ngupuori.
To come up unda bai a bfidi.
To come down ngabaiungali.
I walk down a hill ngia ngabaiungkli.
I walk up a hill ngia ngabaiabfidi.
I go in ngia ngupuori abanurinjtni.
I go out ngia ngupuori aurinjtni.
I met you (sing.) ngia inta papijtngi.
I met you (pi.) ngia ngua papijtngi.
I see him ngia ngkrra iipaiya (ngiipaiya).
I killed him ngia ngkrra ibabtni.
I hear shouting ngia gnarabundkiya.
I see turtle ngia tfergulin upaiya.
Wait for me . . . . . ngia inta iniigo.
You come and dance .... kkli yoii.
Go away wiiri or tiiwuri or piri.
Sit down tkmu.
To lie down asleep .... arramtti.
They are asleep . ... wurda upamWi.
He is asleep ngkrra aramtli.
Which way did he go .' . maka ipuori.
He goes to see ubuwkiji nubeyia.
He went that way .... gfetan ipuori.
(3) Warrai Tribe. — Short Vocabulary and Verbs
Bad wairing.
Big bamboo ungwin.
Bird jkrdok.
Blue ungiidjiku.
Blue sky unbangudjiku.
Boomerang br^na.
Canoe bkmwin.
Clean water ungaitkktja.
Day after to-morrow . . . dklmian.
Day before yesterday . . . gogalnba.
Dry season bungkrun.
East qukndi.
Evening jorkmllwa.
APPENDIX 477
Fire wfeirk.
Fire stick wurrk.
Firm bibap ntk.
Fish jelkko.
Fresh water creek porpilian.
Fresh water upmiinyero.
Good amoku.
Good to eat am6ku.
Grass j^tpum.
Ground yuil.
He goes to-day . . . . • . wvinlak gaiyin.
He goes to-morrow .... 16riwar gaiyin.
He goes to fish jebkko gaiyin.
He is no good dtkko warung.
He or she goes gaiyin.
He sleeps gaiyuyu.
He or she went yesterday . g^rgern ykdjin.
I come back bkdwor waiyin, or badwkiyin.
I go budjadjin.
I go to-day wiinlak budjkdjin.
*I go to fish jebkko budjMjin.
I go to-morrow 16riwar (or 16riwo) budjkdjin.
I sleep bcldjong.
I speak truly badnungunjlri kujako.
I went to fish yesterday . . jebkko gkrgern adjkdjin.
I went yesterday gkrgern adjkdjin.
Lightning biilum.
Loose anagail.
Mob, large number .... abugkmu.
Moon k6rung.
Moonrise k6rung mulknfewing.
Morning Ikuri l^uriwa.
Mud . buma or b6rne.
No awiilla.
North mfeiri.
One enjferri.
Quick . . . liik liik.
478 APPENDIX
Rain pMmur or wik.
Root und6rt.
Salt water abolongu.
Sand york.
Sea tjkinbulk.
Sky unban.
Slow gall gall.
Soil or earth quill.
Sound ... york.
South ... wkrlum.
Spear b6rko.
Star mullibi.
Stone k^ri.
Sun mferil.
Sunrise meril mulknfewing.
Sunset m^ril y6rdmin.
Three garknk enj^rri.
They all go kabaiyintmok.
They (all) go to fish .... jebako kabaiyintmok.
They (all) sleep kabaiyiyumok.
They (all) went yesterday . gkrgern baiadjintmok.
They two go kadji kabaymtluU.
They (two) go to fish . . . jebkko kadjikabayintluU.
They (two) sleep kabaiyiyuluU.
They (two) went yesterday . gargern baiadjintluU.
Thunder yukur.
To-day wteluk.
To-morrow 16riwar.
Too quick ........ airluku.
Totem mumulbuk.
True kujako.
Two geranklul.
Very bad diko waning.
Very fast . . allukluk jatjfero.
Very true . . kujkko wiro.
Very slow gall gall.
Water wik.
Water hole . . .... vinbull.
Wet season ... . alklo.
We all go (if all are standing
close together) yiylntmok.
We all go (if scattered about) pMiad jintmok.
APPENDIX 479
We (all) go to fish (if all are
scattered about) jebkko paliadjintmok.
We (all) go to fish (if standing
together) jebkko yiyintmok.
We (all) sleep yiyviyu mok.
We (all) went yesterday . . gkrgem yiadjlntmok.
We two go (if standing apart) paliadjlntull.
We two go (if standing close
together) maiylntlull.
We (two) go to fish (if standing
apart) jebako paliadjintluU.
We(two) go to fish (if standing
together) jebkko maiylntlull.
We (two) sleep mai ybintluU.
We (two) went yesterday . . gkrgem yiadjintluU.
West nimur.
Wet season . . .... tjfebian.
Wind mk-itj.
Winter alMi.
Yes yo.
Yesterday gogain.
You all go baiuntmok.
You (all) go to fish jebkko baiuntmok.
You (all) sleep baiy6int mok.
You (all) went yesterday . . gkrgern aiadjlntmok.
You (many) are no good . . ngong nun anwairing.
You (one) are no good . . . undiki wairing.
You (one) go yung.
You (one) go to fish .... jebkke yung.
You (one) sleep ungkiyu.
You (one) went yesterday . . gkrgern unykdjin.
You two go baiuntluU.
You (two) go to fish .... jeb4ko baiuntluU.
You (two) sleep . . baiy6intlull.
You (two) went yesterday gkrgern aiadjintluU.
48o
APPENDIX
List of Numerals in various Tribes.
Kakadu.
Melville Island
Tribe.
One ....
fnoorkudua (m.)
\wi6rkudua (f.)
yatti or yerti
Two . . .
fgferminda (m.) 1
tgfenjida (f.) • • • • 1
irara.
Three . . .
f gferminda no6rkudua (m.) 1
\g6njida wi6rkudua (f.) ' J
uradjtrima
Four . . .
fgferminda germinda (m.) \
tg^njida genjida (f.) ' )
yadaptndi
Five ....
yakadhji (m. and f.) ...
binginida
Six ... .
fyakadttji noorkudua (m.) \
\yakadkji wiorkudua (f.) ' J
Many . . .
kftdberi
ningkti
Very many .
b^i
te quini
APPENDIX 481
List of Numerals in Various Tribes — cont.
Larakia.
Port Essington Tribe.
One ... .
kalaguk
wSrak.
Two ....
kalajilik
nakak
Three . . .
kalajilik kalagiak . .
nakak le warak
Four . . .
kalajilik kalajilik
nakak le nakak
Five ....
urkama jiinung
Many . . .
ngunmer
kMmung
Very many .
ngunmullnya . . .
jfelkurt a kklmung
Djauan Tribe.
Mungarai Tribe.
Nullakun
Tribe.
One . . .
adjiri . .
gnaumbkna . .
wongin
Two ....
tjfert-kura .
gnabarana
meiappan
Three . . .
killpa . . .
gnabalkna ....
puramurko
Four
amkngwin .
gnagkrak . .
yapkiapan
Five .
Many . .
amkngwin .
gnag^rak . . .
yapkiapan
Very many .
?
gnaburgkidji ....
kainurimba
I I
482
APPENDIX
List of Numerals in Various Tribes — cont.
Mara Tribe.
Worgait Tribe.
MuUuk-MuUuk
Tribe.
One ....
wongin . .
nknji
yiunuk
Two ....
ykbban . .
biirketa mklung . . .
wgrina
Three . .
yabaiaban .
burketi nanji . . .
vemairina
Four . . .
wiridji . . .
burkgta mMung nknji
verkin vermin
Five ....
n^njil yan^ra
Many . . .
wiridji . . .
?
mutjvira
Very many .
gwalkoa . .
b^quit
?
Warrai Tribe.
Waduman Tribe.
Mudburra.
One ....
enjferri . . .
Ifeggo
tjindkgu
Two . .
garknklul .
quikmin
kutjkra
Three . . .
garknkenjeri
murgun
mvirgun
Four . . .
pudkmeru
dkdu
Five ....
Many . . .
abugkmu
pudkmeru
?
Very many .
unmalvvairo .
ingwunjviran ....
?
APPENDIX
List of Numerals in Various Tribes — cont.
483
Umbia Tribe
Tjingilli Tribe
Yungman Tribe
One ....
jkndija . . .
kungupana ....
l^gga
Two ....
kutjera . .
kutj&ritja
quikmin
Three . . .
murgiinga .
murkulitja ....
murgul
Four . . .
kanguja . .
dkdu
ikulu
Five ....
nolgin
Many . . .
kanguja . .
dkdu
n61gin
Very many .
(?)
(?)
(?)
Bingongina Tribe
Allana Tribe
One
yangklu
ganguji
Two
kiitjera
kutjari
Three
murkvina
murgvinji
Four
dkdu
kaijkdji
Five
pukkni
Many
?
?
Very many . . .
?
nkri mulili
I I 2
GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
The following glossary contains the native terms used in
the text with the exception of (i) the class and sub-class
names which are given in the tables on pages 53-64;
(2) the great majority of the terms of relationship and
status terms, all of which are given in the lists and tables
on pages 65-87 ; (3) the great majority of totemic names,
such as those given in the list on pages 182 and 183; and
(4) names of individuals. The grave accent indicates the
accentuated syllable or syllables, and the short vowels are
indicated.
Agir Agir waist girdle worn by the initiate. Port
Essington Tribe.
Airiman name of a tribe.
AUagilla tree grave. AUana Tribe.
Allowtri name of a tribe.
Allugfinni sticks used during yam ceremony. Mel-
ville Island.
AUiira name of a tribe.
Amandteni totemic groups that are regarded as
mates and may not intermarry. Mel-
ville Island.
Amfeina . .... expression meaning, What is it ? What is
it like ? What is its name ? etc. Kakadu
Tribe.
Anadaunga sticks used for clanging during the
Kolemma ceremony. Melville Island.
Anora spirit of dead person. Mungarai Tribe.
Anula or Anyula . name of a tribe.
Aranwfeir ordinary name for a hollow log. Port
Essington Tribe
485
486 GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
Ardi term used to denote the total personal
belongings of an individual. Kakadu
Tribe.
Arrawunagiri club used for catching fish in Mangrove
swamps. Melville Island.
Arri madjundgrri . . . name of a kind of scrimmage or tug-of-
war between the older and younger
men held during the initiation cere-
monies. Melville Island.
Arumbfiringa . ... spirit individual. Arunta Tribe.
Arfinta . ... name of a tribe.
Auniirgitj single pronged, unhafted spear with barbs
on one side only. Melville Island.
Auu^nau mischievous spirit. Geimbio Tribe.
Balbklba . . . tree grave. Waduman Tribe.
Ballduk small bag worn suspended from the neck
by men. Kakadu Tribe.
Bilquar ikkan . . . status term applied to old men. Port
Essington Tribe.
Bamajtnnt armlets. Melville Island.
Bimagun ... . ceremonial disc. Melville Island.
Bandkri status name applied to initiated youth.
NuUakun Tribe.
Bkquett status term applied to old men. Worgait
Tribe.
Baringa elder brother, also old. Kakadu Tribe.
Barkril a fish. Kakado Tribe.
B^lier status name applied to initiated youth.
Larakia Tribe.
Benctgra-Benigra . a dry everlasting plant also a nickname.
Kakadu Tribe.
BenSgra bones of dead person. Kakadu Tribe.
BiMiUa a small child or baby. Kakadu Tribe.
Bikuiak ... . . small bird. Waduman Tribe.
Bidu-Bldu name of the bull-roarer. Kakadu Tribe.
Bfllianfera name of a tribe.
Binbinga name of a tribe.
BIngSngina name of a tribe.
Bl^tta spear thrower. Larakia Tribe.
Bl^tta dunkal strong or important man, literally, strong
spear thrower. Larakia Tribe.
B6ppa father. Worgait Tribe.
Brau, brau give ! give ! Kakadu Tribe.
Brfeikul long way off. Kakadu Tribe.
Brinken name of a tribe.
GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS 487
Brutplnniweir .... the Jabiru or stork. Kakadu Tribe.
Btrra-ptrra-ptrra . . guardians of youths during initiation cere-
mony. Larakia Tribe.
Budj^ir name applied to a piece of paper bark
supposed to represent an old kangaroo
man during the Ober ceremony. Kaka-
du Tribe.
Bulkung ... . . hair girdle. Worgait Tribe.
BuUuk bird's down. Nullakun Tribe.
Burnkmandu original home of spirit Individual. Mun-
garai Tribe.
Chipoiyu fish net. Kakadu Tribe.
Dkbinji winbui . . name of special man during Jamba cere-
mony. Kakadu Tribe.
Daual a snake. Mara Tribe.
Delfera arm bands. Worgait Tribe.
Diferi name of a tribe.
Djauan name of a tribe.
Djidjan far-past times. Mara Tribe.
Djilkra type of basket. Kakadu Tribe.
Dodo term meaning wait a little, or, later on.
Kakadu Tribe.
Dunlmma whiskers. Melville Island.
Ekfeirinja sacred or secret. To be seen only by
initiated men. Arunta Tribe.
Eramklgo sugar-bag or honeycomb. Waduman
Tribe.
Eribinjori large crocodile. Kakadu Tribe.
Erlferinerlfera .... echidna. Kakadu Tribe.
Gkmbin flying fox (bat). Waduman Tribe.
Gfeimbi a stone. Kakadu Tribe.
Gfeimbio name of a tribe.
Gnuin name of a tribe.
Goar name of ceremonial ground in connection
with the Ober, Kakadu Tribe.
Gulauer hair belts. Kakadu Tribe.
Guniimaramila .... a yam. Kakadu Tribe.
Gwkiyan, quoiyin or
qu6iyan word for Totem. Waduman Tribe.
Idetdad half moon. Waduman Tribe.
idukal wives' mothers. Waduman Tribe.
488 GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
tgul full moon. Waduman Tribe.
Ijintlli name of a tribe.
ikiti6kita term meaning the other side. Kakadu
Tribe.
Ikmurli status name applied to youth passing
through the initiation ceremony. Mun-
garai Tribe.
lUaberri younger sister. Kakadu Tribe.
Illajinni . . ... necklet worn by Watjinyerte. Melville
Island.
Illurgan evening star. Waduman Tribe.
Ingaga white cockatoo. Melville Island.
Ingaiiia wives. Waduman Tribe.
Ingornu drill fire sticks. Kakadu Tribe.
Inkildu murkmaran . . term applied to the wife of a dead man.
Kakadu Tribe.
Intichiuma ceremonies to increase the numbers of
the totemic animals and plants.
Arunta Tribe.
Inudbukira ... . term applied to the sisters of a dead
person. Kakadu Tribe.
Ipimp hair covering the body of a spirit called
Auuenau.
Irrungjlbi . . . crocodile. Melville Island.
Irruw&nni ordinary name for bough or bark miamia.
Melville Island.
IrufeUa or Iruwalla . . club. Melville Island.
Iruntarteia spirit individual. Arunta Tribe.
Itjimma whiskers, also small roots on yam. Mel-
ville Island.
Iwaidja name of a tribe.
Iwdiji koperfeipi .... emu egg ; a sacred stone used during the
Muraian ceremony. Kakadu Tribe.
Iwaiyu spirit associated with each individual.
Kakadu Tribe. Also a man's shadow.
It is supposed to be the double of the
Yalmuru.
Jabuliinga far-past times. Waduman Tribe.
Jaidja mother's brothers. Kakadu Tribe.
Jikina word for sub-class. Mungarai.
Jalk^rra spirit of living man. Mara Tribe.
Jimba first initiation ceremony. Also name of
log on ceremonial ground. Kakadu
Tribe.
Janimba small crocodile. NuUakun Tribe.
GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
489
J^ppa ....
Japururunga or Tabura-
rlnga
Jebil
Jerfeipiinga
Jeru ober
name given to
lubras dance.
long stick round which
NuUakun Tribe.
Jiboru . . . ,
JibouIu-bUba
JimSribuna .
Jimidkuappa
Jumiingail .
Jungkna
Jungoan
Jiiri . .
Kkdi
Kadimingo
Kidjerong
Kkdji
Kadjlra
Kkdjugo
Kkitish
KkVa. .
Kkkadu
Kakadu tjkpul
Kkla . . . .
KMal
Killawa . .' . ,
KMla-k411a . .
KiUia . . .
KMlum . .
Kelllum kundira
club. Melville Island.
special marks painted on a girl at the
close of the first menstrual period.
Kakadu Tribe.
word for totem in the Kakadu Tribe.
name applied to one special man, sup-
posed to represent an old Kangaroo
ancestor during the Ober Ceremony.
Kakadu Tribe.
a bone-pointed spear. Kakadu Tribe.
name applied to special man during
Jamba ceremony. Kakadu Tribe.
native companions. Kakadu Tribe.
a fish. Kakadu Tribe.
representation of a mia mia on the Goar
ceremonial ground during the Ober
ceremony. Kakadu Tribe.
balls of wax, used during magic ceremony.
Kakadu Tribe.
third initiation ceremony. Kakadu Tribe.
juice or grease. Kakadu Tribe.
ears of Nangintain. Geimbio Tribe.
club. Kakadu Tribe.
name of a tribe.
stone spear. Kakadu Tribe.
salt water. Kakadu Tribe.
father. Waduman Tribe.
name of a tribe.
father's father. Kakadu Tribe.
name of a tribe.
Kakadu mouth or talk.
expression very often used meaning : Just
so. Exactly so. Quite right. All
right. Kakadu Tribe,
ceremonial ground for mourning. Mun-
garai Tribe,
name of a tribe,
tree grave. Mara Tribe,
women's camp. Mungarai Tribe,
spear thrower. Worgait Tribe,
strong or important man, literally, strong
spear thrower. Worgait Tribe.
490 GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
Kamertnji sun. Waduman Tribe.
Kamomo mother's brothers. Waduman Tribe.
Kamu mother. Port Essington Tribe.
Kandau-ak moon. Waduman Tribe.
Kkngi crocodile. Djauan Tribe.
Kkning total personal effects of an individual.
Waduman Tribe.
Kapfei resin derived from the root of the Iron-
wood tree. Kakadu Tribe.
Kkpena poro ... . keen sighted eyes. Kakadu Tribe.
Karkkera ... . spur-winged plover. Kakadu Tribe.
Karar^yu poro . . . washing eyes. Kakadu Tribe.
Kirawa name of a tribe.
Kkri under pounding stone. Waduman
Tribe.
Kau-ukwa earth grave. Larakia Tribe.
Keferli wife's father. Kakadu Tribe.
Keferli stone knife. Kakadu Tribe.
Kerkmu ground grave. Kakadu Tribe.
Kteda .... . mother's brother's son. Nullakun Tribe.
Kintjilbara . • . . . . a special snake that may only be eaten by
old men. Kakadu Tribe.
Koar name of ceremonial ground used during
initiation. Port Essington Tribe.
Koarnbut name of a tribe.
Koga word for Totem. Worgait Tribe.
Koiyu father's wife. Kakadu Tribe.
KokfiUal ....... special ceremonial camp. Nullakun
Tribe.
Kolkmma or Kulfemma name of a yam in connection with which
an important ceremony is held. Mel-
ville Island.
Kbngott name of brush used to smear blood over
bodies during the preparation for cere-
monies. Kakadu Tribe.
Kopfeida . . ... spindle. Kakadu Tribe.
Korno excrement. Kakadu Tribe.
Koulu bamboo. Kakadu Tribe.
KudSnji name of a tribe.
Kudjklinga turtle. Kakadu Tribe.
Kui expression meaning, Come here ! Kakadu
Tribe.
Kujorju four-pronged, bone-pointed spear. Ka-
kadu Tribe.
Kujungowingeri . . . head man of Totem group. Nullakun
Tribe.
GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
491
Kujui
Kftkka .
Kulakulungini
Kulkli .
Kulbijtnman
Kuldungun
Kulfekuli .
Kuleryu
Kulijldbo
Kuljbanjo
Kulori .
Kulori jerfeini .
Kulorbuto .
Kulpri murcllla
Kulunglfitji
Kumkli .
Kumkra
Kumertiio . .
Kumilungornu
Kumureinban
Kunamilkmi .
Kunaptppi
Kunbkritja . . .
KunbSltji or Kunb^ltja
Kundkma
column of smoke supposed to represent a
water spout, through which initiates
have to pass. Melville Island,
mother's brother. Worgait tribe.
rainbow. NuUakun Tribe.
sky. Kakadu Tribe,
snake. Waduman Tribe,
medicine man who kills woman who sees
a Bidu Bidu. Larakia Tribe,
cat fish. Kakadu Tribe,
resin knob of Palati. Kakadu Tribe,
a yam. Kakadu Tribe,
a special snake that may only be eaten by
old men. Kakadu Tribe,
fourth initiation ceremony. Also name
of a yam. Kakadu Tribe,
name applied to men passing through
the Kulori ceremony. Kakadu Tribe,
ceremony of women walking round the
grave. Kakadu Tribe,
ceremony of spitting chewed yam into a
hole during the Kulori ceremony.
Kakadu Tribe,
name of a tribe,
forbidden or secret. May not be seen by
uninitiated youths, women or children.
Kakadu Tribe,
term for woman, also vulva. Kakadu
Tribe,
name of a tribe,
mothers' milk. Kakadu Tribe,
term applied to pairs of sub-classes, the
individual members of which stand to
one another in the relationship of father
and children. Djauan Tribe,
bag filled with blood near the heart, the
bursting of which is supposed to be the
cause of the menstrual flow. Kakadu
Tribe,
bull-roarer. Djauan Tribe. Mungarai
Tribe,
a small fish. Kakadu Tribe,
ordinary charcoal. Kakadu Tribe,
special armlets or bracelets worn by
women during mourning ceremonies.
Kakadu Tribe.
492 GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
Kundein first initiation ceremony. Worgait Tribe,
Kundungini . . . original home of spirit individual. NuUa-
kun Tribe.
Kungkulabah ... . operation of cutting the back of the hand
to obtain blood during ceremonies.
Kakadu Tribe.
Kunjolio short, reed-hafted, wooden-pointed spear.
Kakadu Tribe.
Kunjungowkngeri . . head man of totemic group. Nullakun
Tribe.
Kupkra medjkur . menstrual flow. Kakadu Tribe.
Kupfelbi . . bark waist-belt. Kakadu Tribe.
Kurawkrwa an evil-smelling ooze on mangrove roots.
Kakadu Tribe.
Kuringarferli . . . special term applied to certain men
during the Jamba ceremony. Kakadu
Tribe.
Kurnelllan far past times. Mungarai Tribe.
KurnabfiUa name for a small kangaroo or wallaby.
Kakadu Tribe.
Kurokura .... type of basket. Kakadu Tribe.
Kurk a snake. Djauan Tribe.
Kfirra bfidji bull-roarer. Port Essington Tribe.
Kutjkli term for ordinary fire. Kakadu Tribe.
Lagaian . . . status term applied to initiated man.
Djauan Tribe.
Lagl^uer special camp where mourning ceremony
is held. Waduman Tribe.
Lkmila . . . . stones round grave. Larakia Tribe.
Lknur bird's down. Mungarai Tribe.
Larakia name of a tribe.
LcLriba status name applied to old man. Larakia
Tribe.
Lfeda necklets worn by boys during initiation.
Port Essington Tribe.
Lekerimgen status term applied to a man who has
passed through the Muraian ceremony.
Kakadu Tribe.
Ludma ordinary camp. Waduman Tribe.
Lunga word for totem. Djauan Tribe.
Ltiritja name of a tribe.
Liirkun or Lurgun . . final burial ceremony. Mungarai and
Mara Tribes. The same term is
applied to the log coffin.
GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
493
Mabaniiri ....
Mabnabtlla . . .
Mabobo or Wkkadi
MagSriyu . .
Mag61u . . .
Mkina ....
Mairdbfirrima
Majlmbo . . .
Mak6rngo .
Makiigua
Makulauri
UaXzuSlla.
Malinni .
Malfeba .
Mall-mall
Millam .
Malugurni
Mkngul .
Maningtei
ManjerojSlli
ManjerovvftUi
Manmaouri
Man-ur-ur
Mapudhti
M^ra
Marab6mji .
Mkra-ipul
Markli . . .
Mkrdid .
Marigik .
shooting star. Supposed to be an evil
spirit. Melville Island,
word for ordinary dance or corrobboree.
Kakadu Tribe,
club. Port Essington Tribe,
point of kunjolio spear. Kakadu Tribe,
a yam. Waduman Tribe,
mother. Nullakun Tribe,
tree graves. Larakia Tribe,
beeswax and kangaroo tooth pendant.
Kakadu Tribe,
elder sister. Kakadu Tribe,
sacred or secret. To be seen only by
initiated men. Mungarai Tribe,
name of first initiation ceremony. Larakia
Tribe,
name of local group on Bathurst Island,
special mia mia made in connection with
the initiation ceremony. Melville Island,
type of basket. Kakadu Tribe,
spirit children. Mungarai Tribe,
men's camp. Mungarai Tribe,
head man of totemic group. Mudburra
Tribe,
palm leaf basket. Kakadu Tribe,
sun. Waduman Tribe,
name of a local group. Iwaldja or Port
Essington Tribe,
name of a local group. Iwaidja or Port
Essington Tribe,
chest girdles worn by initiates. Port
Essington Tribe,
dance during Ober ceremony. Kakadu
Tribe,
spirit of dead person. Melville Island,
name of a tribe,
brush-tailed wallaby men during the
Ober ceremony. Kakadu Tribe.
special man during
Kakadu Tribe,
special man during
Kakadu Tribe.
Kakadu Tribe,
the neck of a mis-
called Auuenau.
name applied to
Jamba ceremony.
name applied to
Jamba ceremony.
night time or dark.
rattle attached to
chievous spirit
Geimbio Tribe.
494
GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
Mkritji . spirit of dead person. NuUakun Tribe.
Marukumkna . name of young boy taking part in the
nitiation ceremony for the first time.
Melville Island.
Marunga secret name for catfish used during cere-
monies. Mungarai Tribe.
Martinga, Margi, Mkri,
or Maringa .... terms for medicine man. Kakadu Tribe.
Mkrungwum necklet worn by Watjinyerti. Melville
Island.
Maiiura special dance during the Ober ceremony.
Kakadu Tribe.
MedjingMi challenge sticks. Kakadu Tribe.
M^illa or MMa . . . basket. Kakadu Tribe.
Meribainja plaited bark-fibre string. Kakadu Tribe.
Miba jlrra jfeva . . ceremony of showing the bull-roarer.
Mifeta mid-day. Kakadu Tribe.
Migfelir an old male bird. Kakadu Tribe.
Mikijeruma . . name of young girl taking part in the
initiation ceremony for the first time.
Melville Island.
Mindirinni series of Totemic ceremonies. Djauan
Tribe.
Mikinyferti name of youth passing through the
initiation ceremony for the third time.
Melville Island.
Mikiyfertinga or Mikin-
yfertunga . .
Mibrnai . .
Mlru . ...
Miunga . .
M6aib or M6aibu
Moain .
Moinia . . .
Monowfei . . .
Monuik . .
Mopul . . .
name of girl taking part in the initiation
ceremony for the second time. Melville
Island,
special charcoal made from pea bush and
used during mourning ceremony.
Kakadu Tribe.
club. Port Essington club,
cicatrices on bodies of Melville and
Bathurst Islanders,
general name for a brush shelter or
wurley. Kakadu Tribe,
fish men, during the Ober
Kakadu Tribe,
mosquitoes. Kakadu Tribe,
term applied to a dead person. Kakadu
Tribe,
small dilly bag in which the foreskin is
placed. Djauan Tribe,
men's camp. NuUakun Tribe.
ceremony.
GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
495
Mdrlil
M6rmo
Morpiu or m6rpia .
M6rquoll
Mfidburra ....
Mukana or Mugdna
Mukinob6rbo
Mulkut . . ,
MfiUinyu . . :
MfiUuk-MWIuk
Mulowa .
Mumbirnba
Mumbfirra .
Mfimmulbuk
Munamfera .
Munbfilkitj .
Munbirtji .
Mundimbir
Mundfebendo
Munduiii
Mingai
Mungaiini .
Mungdiini
MungMla
Munginumo
Mungarai
Mungarni .
Munjan jil .
Munum-bfira-bflra
Mupairma r^iyi .
mourning ceremony. Kakadu Tribe,
sugar-bag or honey-comb. Kakadu Tribe,
general name for animal or food.
Kakadu Tribe.
Father. Father's brother. NuUakun
Tribe,
name of a tribe,
grass stalks used in basket making.
Kakadu Tribe,
banyan bark string. Kakadu Tribe,
bones taken from a dead man and pro-
jecting from the elbows and knees of a
spirit called Auuenau. Geimbio
Tribe,
status name applied to young married
man. Larakia Tribe,
name of a tribe,
projection from the pelvis of a spirit
called Auuenau, representing lightning.
Geimbio Tribe,
short throwing stick. Kakadu Tribe,
smaller upper pounding stone. Waduman
Tribe,
word for Totem. Warrai Tribe,
name applied to special man during
Jamba ceremony. Kakadu Tribe,
name of a local group. Iwaidja or Port
Essington Tribe,
elder sister. Port Essington Tribe,
chest region. Kakadu Tribe,
wild turkey. Kakadu Tribe,
small lily seed cakes. Mungarai Tribe,
status term applied to married man.
Djauan Tribe,
word for Totem. Yungman Tribe,
local totem centres. Mungarai Tribe,
tree grave. Nullakun Tribe,
neck. Kakadu Tribe,
name of a tribe,
special ground in connection with the
Ober ceremony. Kakadu Tribe,
hole into which spear-thrower fits.
Kakadu Tribe,
rasp. Kakadu Tribe,
operation of piercing the nasal septum.
Kakadu Tribe.
496 GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
Mupulltngu . . . pounded up white-ant hill. Used for evil
magic and medicine. Kakadu Tribe.
MurabfilbaorMurabfilbu status term of old man. Kakadu Tribe.
Muraguji wife's brother. Kakadu Tribe.
Muragugna throwing stick or club. Melville Island.
Miiragiill status term applied to youth who has
passed through the Kundein ceremony.
Worgait Tribe.
Muraian final initiation ceremony. Also name of
sacred objects and of an old turtle man.
Kakadu Tribe.
Muraridi armlets made of banyan string. Kakadu
Tribe.
Murllppa a yam. Kakadu Tribe.
Miirrabarnji small wallaby. Kakadu Tribe.
Murumbftdui . . . . local totemic centres. The place where
any individual's Yalmura and Iwaiyu
are supposed to live. Kakadu Tribe.
Mus word for Totem. NuUakun Tribe.
Miismus far-back times. Nullakun Tribe.
Nadiri tree grave. Mungarai Tribe.
Nadiriga status term applied to young man after
subincision. Mungarai Tribe.
Nagurnguruk name of spirit whose voice the women
think is the noise made by the bull-
roarer. Mungarai Tribe.
Niialpur first initiation ceremony. Also status term
applied to youth who has passed through
it. Port Essington Tribe.
Nainjil tongue. Kakadu Tribe.
NSmaragua ... . word for Totem. Mungarai Tribe.
Ndmbi a shell. Kakadu Tribe.
Namminj&ri .... mother's brother's sons. Mungarai Tribe.
Nimmiirung stick wrapped in fur string and "sung"
by old men. Given to newly initiated
youth. Worgait Tribe.
Namungulara .... name applied to boys taking part for the
first time in the initiation ceremony.
Port Essington Tribe.
Namyuk . ... status term applied to old man. Worgait
Tribe.
Nangintain . . . mischievous spirit. Geimbio Tribe.
Ndnguru . . . crocodile. Nullakun Tribe.
Ninja ... ... dwelling place of a spirit individual.
Arunta Tribe.
GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
497
Ninung
Narul .
Ngabadana
Ngagung .
Ngiidjan
Ngiinman
Ngalu . . .
Nginji . .
Ngauunduitj
Ng^ila, Ngiila or
Ngailor
Ngormo or N6rmo or
Inmormo ...
Ngulabibba .
Ngulangniinyi
Ngumulaua
Ngunga . . .
Ngungaran
Ngunkomukali
Ngurabik . .
Niandil juri
Ningkri
Ningbrnu or Ying6rna ,
Ninibura-bSra . . .
Noaianji .
Nobbila .
Nongura .
No6rnb£rri
N6rkun .
Normo, see Ng
Norweilfemil
Noudbukkra
Nub6. go . .
Nukaitka
NuUkbSrri
sugar-bag or honey-comb. Yungman
Tribe,
hole in ground in which fire is made
during Tjilaiyu ceremony. Kakadu
Tribe,
name of a special snake. Kakadu Tribe,
mother's brother. Mungarai Tribe,
spirit children. Waduman Tribe,
name of a tribe.
word for Totem. Mudburra Tribe,
name of a tribe,
status term applied to a boy. Port
Essington Tribe.
mother's brother's wife. Kakadu Tribe.
general terms for mischievous spirits.
Kakadu and Geimbio Tribes.
sister. Mungarai Tribe.
mother. Mungarai Tribe.
name applied to the snake Gnabadaua
during the performance of sacred cere-
monies. Kakadu Tribe.
mother's brother's sons. Worgait Tribe.
wife. Worgait Tribe.
wife or husband. Kakadu Tribe.
loop for support of penis of newly
initiated youth. Worgait Tribe.
good grease. A nickname. Kakadu
Tribe.
boys before initiation. Kakadu Tribe.
drill fire sticks. Kakadu Tribe.
mats. Kakadu Tribe.
name of a tribe.
status term applied to old man. Nullakun
Tribe.
a yam. Waduman Tribe.
younger brother. Kakadu Tribe.
goose wing. Kakadu Tribe.
name of a tribe.
term applied to brother of dead person.
Kakadu Tribe,
type of basket. Kakadu Tribe,
mother's brothers. Nullakun Tribe,
younger brother. Kakadu Tribe.
K K
498 GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
NMlakun name of a tribe.
Numklka or Numklga . type of basket. Kakadu Tribe.
Numerfeji a great snake. Kakadu Tribe.
Numulaiju term applied to son of a dead person.
Kakadu Tribe.
NumulaHri young man after initiation. Kakadu
Tribe.
NumuUna knocking the bush wurley down on the
initiation ground. Port Essington
Tribe.
Nunguluwirra .... special bag in which armlet cut from
Ningaris after Jamba ceremony are
carried. Kakadu Tribe.
Nunkudumurkmaran . term applied to husband or husband's
brothers of dead person. Kakadu
Tribe.
Nurtfinja sacred pole used during ceremonies.
Arunta Tribe.
Ober second initiation ceremony. Kakadu
Tribe.
Oberjereini .... name applied to the older men performing
the Ober ceremony. Kakadu Tribe.
Olturuma special belt worn by Watjinyerti. Mel-
ville Island.
Orkbau ceremony of passing totemic animal or
plant through smoke after death of
Totemite. Waduman Tribe.
Padinia spirit of dead man. Mara Tribe.
Paldti spear thrower. Kakadu Tribe.
Pal6ma fat. Kakadu Tribe.
Papa father or father's brothers. Kakadu
Tribe.
P^ppam wife's mother's mother's brother. Port
Essington Tribe.
P^ra term for man, also penis. Kakadu Tribe.
Paramtnni tassel attached to necklet worn by
Watjinyerti. Melville Island.
P^rda pelvic region. Kakadu Tribe.
Pfeindi earth oven. Kakadu Tribe.
Pypi mother's father. Kakadu Tribe.
Pfella PSUa ceremonial ring. Melville Island.
Peripferiu club. Kakadu Tribe.
Piferda a word that means strong, firm, hard,
alive, etc. Kakadu Tribe.
GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
499
Piferda kutj^ri ... . very ill. A nickname. Kakadu Tribe.
Piruakftkka special name for a hollow log on the
initiation ceremonial ground. Port
Essington Tribe.
Pokridju ancestral home of a spirit individual.
Waduman Tribe.
Pukkli mother's younger brother's sons. Wadu-
man Tribe.
Pukvii word for Totem. Melville Island.
Punuiirlu . . name of a tribe.
Purakikka . . hollow log on which the representative of
the snake Gnabadaua sits during the
Ober ceremony. It is supposed to
represent a trumpet.
Purdagiair bull-roarer. Yungman Tribe.
Purijiltji lily root. Kakadu Tribe.
Purnum^nemo . . . small frog in the form of which the spirit
child is supposed to go into the mother.
Kakadu Tribe.
Quiippa
Quiar^mba
dilly bags. Kakadu Tribe.
forked post on which two women sit
during part of initiation ceremony. Port
Essington Tribe.
Rknken paper bark. Kakadu Tribe.
Rknken kobbnja ... a miamia made of paper-bark. Kakadu
Tribe.
Taquoinga
Tirkdjuno .
Tjaina .
Tjangulftmma
Tjkpul . .
Tjarukual . .
Tjerai6ber . .
Tjiritjferiu wtdjeru
Tjtkalaualla
ball of birds' down worn by the Mikin-
yertinga girl. Melville Island.
a water snake. Kakadu Tribe.
special ceremonial ground on which the
Jamba ceremony is held. Kakadu
Tribe.
noise made by vibrating hand in front of
mouth while shouting. Mungarai Tribe.
mouth or talk. Kakadu Tribe.
Euro. Mara Tribe.
name applied to three men who are
supposed to represent ancestral kan-
garoos during the Jamba ceremony.
Kakadu Tribe.
very cross or growling very much. Ka-
kadu Tribe.
name of local group on Bathurst Island
K K 2
500
GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
Tjilaiyu ceremony concerned with evil magic by
means of excrement. Kakadu Tribe.
Tjimuri . . term applied to intermarrying sub-classes.
Waduman Tribe. It signifies mates.
Tjiralkla p6ra .... very good or powerful eyes that can see
through natives, etc. Kakadu Tribe.
Tjon name of series of sacred ceremonies.
Mungarai Tribe.
Tjubulinjuboulu . . stick carried by a woman when enceinte.
Kakadu Tribe.
Tjuga sister's sons. Waduman Tribe.
Tjugeankndu . . head of Totemic group. Mungarai Tribe.
Tjuluma moonrise. Waduman Tribe.
Tjumkiin stone knife. Kakadu Tribe.
Tjunkra a yam. Kakadu Tribe.
Tjungfinni head man of Totemic group. Waduman
Tribe.
Tjunkul^tti single pronged, unhafted spear with barbs
on both sides. Melville Island.
Tjural . .... a snake. Djauan Tribe.
Tjuril turtle. Waduman Tribe.
Tjutju ceremony to increase the numbers of the
Totemic animals'and plants. Waduman
Tribe.
Togal small crocodile. Djauan Tribe.
Tiian hole in the ground in which the foreskin
is buried. Djauan Tribe.
Tvinima irruwfenni . . biting and rubbing cheeks of youths.
Melville Island.
Tvmima ubrabrulua . . rubbing beards with slices of yams. Mel-
ville Island.
UMtur . .
Umbaia .
Um6riu
Unga .
Unmitjera
Urabtinna
Urarkkammo
Uro-Smmi
Wkduman
Wkidba
armlets. Kakadu Tribe.
name of a tribe.
name of a tribe.
word for Totem. Larakia Tribe.
name of a tribe.
name of a tribe.
word for Totem. Mara Tribe.
wands carried by youths who visit distant
camps to invite the natives to attend
their own initiation ceremony. Kakadu
and allied tribes.
name of a tribe.
original home of spirit individual.
Tribe.
Mara
GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
501
Wkilar
Wiilba
Wait ba, wait b^ .
Wakadi or wakferti
Wallangulin kalMil
Wallunka . .
Wallunka . . . .
Walnkgung . . .
WMpari
Wandaia . . . .
Wangaritja
W^nji . .
Wanmkiia
WirSngin .
Wiriji ge
Warraguk .
Wirrai
Warwlan
Warwiran
Waryinwer or uriauer
Watjinyferti ....
Witta
WilMu
Wilalu jerfeiwin .
Wilalu manungel
Wilalu mijfela . .
Wililu umulaki:rri
Wiltngura . .
WInbfegi . .
Wokungjiri
Wonkgdngaru .
Wbrbai or Wairbi
Wbrdabil . .
W6rgai . . .
word for Totem. Iwaidja Tribe,
ancestral home of spirit individual. Mara
Tribe,
cry of the women during Initiation cere-
monies. Kakadu Tribe,
club. Kulunglutji Tribe,
imitation mosquitoes. Kakadu Tribe,
single pronged, unbarbed spear. Melville
Island,
heavy spear. Melville Island,
wife's father. Djauan Tribe,
name of a tribe.
status term applied to youth who has
passed through initiation. Mungarai
Tribe,
bush wurley in the middle of the Koar
ground. Port Essington Tribe,
name of a tribe.
spear thrower. Warramunga Tribe,
ordinary Corrobboree. Waduman Tribe,
dead altogether. Kakadu Tribe,
mischievous spirit. Kakadu Tribe,
name of a tribe,
kangaroo. Mungarai Tribe,
general term for totemic ceremonies.
Mungarai Tribe,
bush wurley or shade built on Tjaina
ground. Kakadu Tribe,
name of youth passing through the
initiation ceremony for the second time.
Melville Island,
name of a tribe,
camp. Kakadu Tribe,
women's camp. Kakadu Tribe,
blood camp. Kakadu Tribe,
sand camp. Kakadu Tribe,
men's camp. Kakadu Tribe,
name of a tribe,
armlets made of split cane or bamboo.
Kakadu Tribe,
status term applied to a young married
man. Port Essington Tribe,
name of a tribe,
digging sticks. Kakadu Tribe,
goanna. Mara Tribe,
name of a tribe.
502
GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS
Worgait . . .
Worlu . . . .
Wulgnun . .
Wiilko
Wulwullum o
wuUum . .
Wunga-diinga
Wungaritja
Wail-
Wiine .
Wurdu
Wuridjonga
name of a tribe.
navel string. Kakadu Tribe.
sun. Mudburra Tribe.
younger sister. Port Essington Tribe.
name of a tribe.
bark baskets. Melville Island.
special bush wurley built on the Tjaina
ground during the Ober ceremony.
Kakadu Tribe,
bones of dead person. Waduman Tribe,
new moon. Waduman Tribe,
lily " tuck-out." Kakadu Tribe.
Yigadjun .
Yalmuru . .
Yirra balumua mura
Yirrang mura
Y^rrowin
Yauamtnni . . .
Yetkali
Yeini . . .
Y^ripul or Mikul
Yibi .
Yiikiil . .
Yung^ba .
Yungman
Yunguan .
Yungwalia
moonset. Waduman Tribe.
spirit part of each individual. Kakadu
Tribe.
actual ceremony of circumcision. Wor-
gait Tribe.
foreskin. Worgait Tribe.
name of a tribe.
mother's elder brother's son. Melville
Island.
expression used to express astonishment
or great annoyance, as when a man
hits his shin against a stump. Kakadu
Tribe.
trench made in connection with Tjilaiyu
ceremony. Kakadu Tribe.
spear with barbs not free. Kakadu Tribe.
spirit of living man. Waduman Tribe.
name of a tribe.
spirit of dead man. Waduman Tribe.
name of a tribe.
head of Totem group. Mara Tribe.
mischievous spirit. Kakadu Tribe.
INDEX
Aboriginals, physical features of, 7
characteristics of, 38
Abrus seed ornaments, 406
Accessory totems, 197, 204
Agir-agir, 117
Allotment of wives, Kakadu tribe,
5° .
.AUuguni, 95
Amandinni, 200
Anadaunga, 96
Ancestors of Kakadu and other
tribes, four groups, 275, 279
Animals, beliefs with regard to,
331
Ant hills, 3
Aprons, bark worn by women on
Melville and Bathurst Islands,
30; 236
making of, 309
Aran weir, 1 1 6
Ardi, 246
Armlets, removing at close of Jaruba
ceremony, 132
at close of Kulori ceremony,
148
worn during mourning ceremonies
on Melville and Bathurst Is-
lands, 233
mourning, Kakadu tribe, 244,
246
various forms of, 403
mourning, rings and discs of
Melville and Bathurst Islands,
409
Arri raadjunderri ceremony, 108
art, decorative, 407 et seq.
Arumburinga, 265
Arunta tribe, totemic system, 17
Intichiuma ceremony, 19
secret names in, 24
reincarnation theory, 280
Aunurgitj, 357
Avoidance of brother and sister,
388
Bags, purification of, after death,
243
dilly bag, carried by woman, list
of contents, 248
general account of, 378 et seq.
Balbalba, 249
Ballduk, 109, 389
Bamagun, 415
Bamboo, or Koulu, 277
Bandari 175,
Bannajinni, 98
Baquett, 161
Bark, use of, for protection against
weather, 29
for shelters and general use, 96
drawings on, 432 et seq.
Barramunda fish, 266
Barter, in connection with mourn-
ing ceremonies, Kakadu tribe,
247
Baskets and Bags, 378 et seq.
Bates, Mrs., beliefs of West Aus-
tralian natives, 23
Bathing, restrictions on women
when enceinte, 326
Bathurst and Melville Island tribes,
organisation of, 43, 46
Beards, treatment of, during cere-
mony on Melville Island, 94
Bees, and two Numereji men, 301
Belier ceremony, Larakia tribe,
153
Bellin Bellin, 418
Belongings, personal, of woman
carried in dilly bag, Kakadu
tribe, 248
Belts, waist, 402
Benogra, 270
5°4
INDEX
Bidu-bidu, Larakia tribe, 153
Larakia tribe, 155
Worgait tribe, 161
seen by woman, 212
Billianera tribe, 195
Birds, natives changed into, 311
Birra-pirra-pirra, 153
Bletta, 376
Bletta dunkal, 376
Blood drawing, Kakadu tribe,
from hand, 144
during circumcision, Mungarai
tribe, 167
during subincision, 168
collected during burial ceremony,
Kakadu tribe, 241
camp, 292
of Numereji, medicine man
drinking, 292
camp, visited by medicine man,
296
from snake, carried by medicine
man, 296
eaten by young medicine man,
297
of snake rubbed over young
medicine man, 297
Boats, 397
Bones of child carried about,
Kakadu tribe, 248
vomited up by Numereji, 291
vomited up by snake men, 303
Bremmer, Sir Gordon, grave posts
on Melville Island, 22
Bubba Peibi, tradition of, 313
Budjeir, 136
Bull-roarer, absence of, on Melville
Island, 91
Iwaidji tribe, 119
showing, to youths, Larakia
tribe, 155
breaking and burning it, Worgait
tribe, 161
Djauan tribe, 162
Mungarai tribe, 164
belief of women and children in
regard to, 211
absence of, in certain tribes,
211
Worgait, Iwaidji, Djauan and
Mungarai tribes, 213
preservation of, in Mungarai
tribe, 214
tradition of origin amongst, 214
Bull-roarer, tradition of women
owning, 217
BuUuk, 176
Burial ceremonies, types of, 22
Kakadu tribe, 239
and mourning ceremonies, Wadu-
man tribe, 249
Mungarai tribe, 251
Mara tribe, 255
Burial of child, Larakia tribe, 251
Burning grass stained with men-
strual blood, 327
hut in which girl has sat during
menstrual period, 328
tree from which bones of dead
man have been removed, Mara
tribe, 255
Cahill, Mr. P., and the Kakadu
tribe, 239, 288
Cave to which spirits take natives,
317
Ceremonial ground, Melville
Island, 96
during Belier ceremony, 156
Ceremonial objects, connected
with the Muraian, 2 1 9 f/ seg., 428
Ceremonies, initiation, 89 et seq.
Yam, on Melville Island, 92
totemic, shown during initiation
ceremonies, Iwaidji tribe, 118
special one, connected with
Kangaroo totem in Kakadu
tribe, 127
Kangaroo, Kakadu tribe, 135
Snake, 139
preparing ground for, Kakadu
tribe, 139
Emu, etc., during Jungoan, 145
Intichiuma, 18, 19, 197, 198
after death of Totemite, Wadu-
man tribe, 199
burial and mourning, 228 et seq.
at naming of child, 339
Challenge sticks, 395
Child, bones of, in Waduman tribe,
250
Children, small number of, 10, 48
origin of, beliefs in regard to, 23,
25, 263 et seq.
spirit, carried by Imberombera,
276, 277
names of, at certain local centres,
Kakadu tribe, 282
INDEX
SOS
Children, carried by UnguUa
Robunbun, 309
Chipoiyu, fishing net, 299
Churinga, distribution of, 26
carried by messenger, 35
absence of, on Melville island, 91
Larakia tribe, 155
comparative absence of, in the
northern tribes, 210
comparison between these and
the Muraian objects, 227
Cicatrices, 9
cut on Belier, Larakia tribe, 1 54
distinctive of Melville and
Bathurst island natives, 43
Circumcision, Worgait tribe, 159
Djauan tribe, 162
Mungarai tribe, 166
NuUakun tribe, 174
traditional origin of, in the Mun-
garai tribe, 216
Class names of the various tribes.
Class organisation, general account,
12
Classificatory system, absent in
Kakadu, 286
Climate and natural features, i,
6, 29
Clothing and ornament, 401 et seq.
Clubs and spears, 425
Clubs and throwing sticks, 366
Cooking, 27, 391
Cooper, Mr. R. J., on Melville
Island, 97, 229
Corrobborees, 32
drawings on men's bodies during,
430
Crescent Lagoon, tradition associ-
ated with, 334
Crocodile ceremony, Iwaidji tribe,
"9
tradition of origin of, 305
Cup-like holes in rocks, 334
Cutting woman's back during initi-
ation ceremony, Worgait tribe,
159
bodies at burial ceremony, Ka-
kadu tribe, 241
Numereji snake in two, 292
Dabinji wanbui, 124
Dancing, at corrobborees, 33
on Melville Island, 106
Dancing, during initiation, NuUakun
tribe, 173
during Kakadu ceremony, 141
at mourning ceremony on Mel-
ville and Bathurst Islands,
234 et seq.
Dead person, name not mentioned,
245
child, bones of, carried about by
mother, 248
child born, 325
eating the, Mara tribe, 253
Decoration of men, boys, and girls
during initiation ceremony,
Melville Island, 104
of youth during initiation cere-
mony, Kakadu tribe, 125
on bodies during mourning
ceremonies on Melville and
Bathurst Islands, 234
on bodies of men, 430
Decorative Art, 407 et seq.
Delborji, a cave, 317
Distribution of tribes, 6
Djauan tribe, organisation, 56
totemic system, 205
initiation ceremony, 162 et seq.
Djidjan, 268
Dodaduriman, tradition of, 315
Downs country, 3
Drawings, bark and rock, 423 et
seq.
Earth oven, 393
Eating totemic animal or plant, 21,
197
the dead, Mara tribe, 253
cakes at mourning ceremony,
245, 255
Nuperdaitba, a fish, 318
Restrictions, see Restrictions, a/jo
Food
Ekeirinja, 211
Emu Egg, stone representing, 152,
184, 185
Eribinjori, the crocodile, tradition
of> 305
Ertnatulunga, absence of, in north-
ern tribes, 211
Excrement used for evil magic, 37,
247, 257
Exogamic totemic groups, 178
Exogamous groups, Iwaidji tribe,
47
5o6
INDEX
Eyes of medicine man made bright,
296
Fan or Norkun, 396
Fat, kidney, taken from dead child's
body, 294
Medicine man taking it out of
natives, 213
Fat rubbed on initiate, Iwaidji
tribe, 120
Finger, mutilating woman's, in
Larakia tribe, 10
Fire, special, during yam ceremony,
Melville Island, 99, loi, 108
beating down to drive evil in-
fluence out of, Melville Island,
loi
during Jamba ceremony, Kakadu
tribe, 130
ceremony, after subincision,
Mungarai tribe, 168
during mourning ceremonies on
Melville and Bathurst Islands,
233
special one during mournmg
ceremony, Kakadu tribe, 243
made on kalal, Mungarai tribe,
252
in connection with magic cere-
mony, Kakadu tribe, 258
two women making, 305
hidden by women, 305
made by men, 306
causing bubWing water, 315
special one during menstrual
period, 327
making and cooking, 391
Fish, caught by Bubba Peibi, 313
Flies, 30
Food, of natives, 27, 28
of initiates, women must not
handle, Kakadu tribe, 126
eating, during mourning cere-
mony, Waduman tribe, 249
supply of, Kakadu tribe, made
by Imberombera, 277
for new medicine man, 299
Food restrictions, Kakadu tribe,
126
removing in Kakadu tribe, 132
removal after Ober ceremony,
144
removing at close of Kulori
ceremony, 148
Food restrictions, during Belier
ceremony, Larakia tribe, 154
removed after menstrual period,
328
after nose boring, 330
of Kakadu tribe, 342 et seq.
at various ages, on women during
pregnancy, 344
boy not allowed to eat goanna if
caught by dog, 344
on husband during wife's preg-
nancy, 345
woman with young child must
not drink at deep water hole,
345
on youths passing through Ober
and Jamba ceremonies, 346
in regard to Kintjilbara, 347
on son giving food to mother,
347
on eating the snake Kuljoanjo,
348
on young girls at Port Essington,
350
on enceinte women at Port
Essington, 351
Foreskin, Worgait tribe, 160
Djauan tribe, 162
Mungarai tribe, 167
NuUakun tribe, 175
Frogs, spirit children in form of,
Waduman tribe, 268
Yungman tribe, 269
Kakadu tribe, 271
Gerewin wilalu, 287
Girl taking part in initiation cere-
mony, Melville Island, 93, loi,
107
dancing during initiation cere-
mony, Melville Island, 109
Goar, 139 . .
Grass, girl sitting on, during
menstrual period, 326
Grave, Kakadu Tribe, 240
women walking round, 240
Grave posts, painting of, on
Melville Island, 232
on Melville and Bathurst Islands,
424
Graves, on Melville and Bathurst
Islands, 229 et seq.
Ground, ceremonial, Melville
Island, 96
INDEX
507
Ground, special ceremonial one,
Iwaidji tribe, 116
special ceremonial, during initia-
tion ceremonies, Kakadu tribe,
127, 135
ceremonial, singing, 140
Gulauer, 131
Gulumurlu, Frilled Lizard man and
his sons, 336
Gwaiyan, 194
Hair of natives, 8, 10
decoration of, 10, 432
woman's, decorated with wax,
Melville Islands, 95
pubic, pulling out of, on Melville
Island, loi
ceremony to increase growth of,
lOI
rubbed with yams to make it
grow, 103
girls', decorated during initiation
ceremony, Melville Island,
107
on face, plucking out, 108
Half-caste children, 26
Hell's Gates, made by a rainbow
man, 338
Honey-bags found by two Nu-
mereji men, 301
Humour, sense of, amongst
aboriginals, 41
Hut, special one, in which initiates
are hidden, Melville Island,
104
attack on, 107
special ones used during cere-
monies, Ober ceremony, 138,
139
Kulori ceremony, 148
or wurley of medicine man, 298
Huts, mosquito, 31
Ibangalma, tradition of, carrying
spirit children, Waduman
tribe, 268
Idadad, 333
Igul, 333
Ikmurli, 165
lUajinni, no, 114
Illurgan, 332
Imberombera, tradition of, 275
Implements, 352 et seq.
Inedi, 378
Ingornu, 262
Initiates hidden from the women,
Melville Island, 104
instructions to, Port Essington
tribe, 120, 121
instructions to, Kakadu tribe,
128
carrying wands, 133
instructions to, Larakia tribe,
154
instructions given to, Worgait
tribe, 159
shown to women, Worgait
tribe, 160
instructions given to, Mungarai
tribe, 166
showing, to men and women in
camp, 171
taken away by women, NuUakun
tribe, 173
Initiation ceremonies, forms of, 21,
8g et seq.
three groups of tribes, 89
Names of tribes practising
different forms of ceremonies,
9°
youths visiting distant camps, 35
Melville Island, 91
Melville Island, articles worn
during, no, 112
Port Essington tribe, 1 1 5 «/ seq.
Kakadu tribe, 121
Ober ceremony, Kakadu tribe,
134
Larakia tribe, 153 ^^ seq.
Worgait tribe, i^j et seq.
Mungarai tribe, 1 63 et seq.
Nullakun tribe, 169
Inkudu muramuran, 246
Instructions to initiates, see
Initiates
Inter-marriages, Kakadu tribe, 288
Intichiuma ceremonies, types of,
19
distribution of, 21
main types of, 179
in Waduman tribe, 197
in Mudburra tribe, 199
Inudbukara, 246
IrpuU, 358
Irrawurbut, 140
Iruella or Iruwalla, 372, 374
Iruntarinia, 265
5o8
INDEX
Iwaidja or Port Essington tribe,
social organisation, 46
initiation, 115
totemic system, 201
ancestors of, 277
Iwaija Kopereipi. emu egg, 152
finding of, 184
showing to the old men, 185
Iwaiyu, 24, 180, 270
smelling man and woman to find
out if they are his proper
parents, 271
changing into Yalmuru, 273
of snake, entering a man, 349
Jakina, 215
Jalkarra, 254
Jamba ceremony, Kakadu tribe, 123
Jamba, logs, used in rain making,
burnt, 321
Jappa, 174
Japururunga or Taburaringa, 375
Jebil, 327
Jereipunga, 180
Jiboru, 358
Jiboulu-bulba, 127
Jiboulu, 138
Jump-ups, 5
Jumungail, 139
Jungana, 258
Jungoan ceremony, Kakadu tribe,
144
Jun, 300
Kadimango or Wakadi, 368
Kadjugo, 249
Kaitish tribe, Intichiuma cere-
mony, 19
Kakadu nation, 14
Kakadu tribe, allotment of wives
in, II
spirit children, 23
social organisation, 47
marriage system, 47
initiation ceremony, 1 2 I f/ seg.
Jamba, 123
Ober, 133
Jungoan, 144
Kulori, 146
Muraian, 150
boys sent out before initiation,
123, 133
ceremony, dancing during, 141
totemic system, 179
Kakadu tribe, origin of totemic
name, 180
death, burial, and mourning, 239
ei seq.
beliefs in regard to spirit children,
270
traditions of ancestors, 275 et seq.
reincarnation theory, 280
Kalla-kalla, 254
Kallia, 164
Kallum, 376
Kallum kundira, 376
Kamerinji, 332
Kamomo, 249
Kangaroo ceremony, Kakadu
tribe, 141
Kangaroo man making Roper River,
etc., 337
Kaning, 250
Kapei resin, 258
used to make a crocodile head,
306
Karani, 311
Karareyu poro, 296
Kari, 394
Kau-ukwa, 251
Keloid growths, 9
Keramu, 240
Kidney fat, taken from child's body,
.294
Kidney fat, taking out by medicine
man, 213
Koar, 116
Kokullal, 170
Kolamma, a yam, 93
Kongott, 144
Kopeida or spindle, 396
Korno, 247
Korno ceremony, Kakadu tribe,
257, 262
Koulu, the bamboo, 277
Kuderi, 246, 359
Kujorju or Kunbata, 357, 358
Kujui, III
Kujungowangeri, 209
Kuldungun, 212
Kuljoanjo, a snake, restrictions on
eating, 347
Kulorbuto, 240
Kulori ceremony, Kakadu tribe,
146
Kulpri muralla, 147
Kumali, 211
Kumara, pulled out by UnguUa, 311
INDEX
509
Kumeranbun, 205
Kunapippi, 162, 164, 213, 214
Kunbeltji, 243
Kundama, 244, 246
Kundein, 157
Kunduginni, 267
Kungkulabah, 144
Kunjolio, 357, 359
Kunjoulu, 328
Kunununeli, 318
Kupara medjauer, 326
Kupelbi, 402
Kurabudji, 119, 213
Kurawarra, a smelling ooze, 321
Kuriaio, 326
Kuringarerli, 123
Kurnallan, 766, 266
Kurokura, 381
Lagaian, 163
Laglauer, 249
Lam ilia, 251
Languages, originated by Imber-
ombera, 277
telling various children to speak,
309
Lanur, 167
Larakia tribe, initiation cere-
monies, 153
burial, 251
totemic system, 204
Larakia, women's index finger
mutilated, 10
Leda, 117, 120
Lekerungen, status name, 191
Lekerungen, special status term,
Kakadu tribe, 152
Life, ordinary, of natives, 27
Lizard and turtle, belief with regard
to, 332
Local groups controlling marriage,
Kakadu tribe, 288
Local organisation, Kakadu tribe,
47
Log, special one, used during
initiation, Iwaidji tribe, 116
Lubras, owning bull-roarers, tradi-
tion of, 217
Ludma, 249
Lunga, 205
Lurkun ceremony, Mungarai tribe,
251
Mara tribe, 255
Mabanuri, singing the, 106
Mabobo or Wakadi, 367
Magic, belief in, 37, 257 et seq.
evil, by means of food, Kakadu
tribe, 260
evil, by means of mud, 261
to strengthen boy, 261
evil, by means of fish bones, 319
Maiigman, 334
Maird burrima, tree graves, 251
Majimbo, 404
Makugua, 211
Makulauri, initiation ceremony,
Larakia tribe, 153
Malanni, special mia-mia, 104
Malaualla, a local group on Bat-
hurst Island, 46
Malay blood, supposed traces of, 8
Maleba, 384
Mallam, 163
Mall mall, 266
Malu-gurni, 199
Maluuru tribe, organisation of,
56
Manmgeni, 333
Manmaouri, 120
Manurur, 136
Mapuditti, 233
Mara tribe, organisation of, 60
totemic system, 208
burial and mourning ceremonies,
255
Marali, 127
Mara-apul, 127
Maritji, 268
Markongo, 310
Marlu, 359
Marriage systems, 42 et seq.
Iwaidji tribe, 46
Melville Island, 46
in relation to totemic groups, 178
et seq.
Mungarai tribe, 207
origin of, in the Mungarai tribe,
.-'.5
origin of, in the Kakadu tribe,
286
origin of, in the Waduman tribe,
315
Marukumana, 93 et seq.
Marunga, medicine man, 298
Marungwum, iio, 114
McDougall's bluff, tradition con-
cerning, 337
510
INDEX
Medicine men and Numereji, 292
securing a Numereji snake, 295,
296
eyes made bright, 296
yams kumali to, 297
making of, in Kakadu tribe, 297
and Bubba Peibe, 314
extracting yalmuru finger nail,
withdrawing fish bone, 320
spirit of child back in mother,
346
Meila or Mela, 337, 388
Melville and Bathurst Islands,
mourning ceremonies, 228 et
seq.
mourning, armlets, rings, and
discs, 409
spears, 357
Melville Island, grave posts, 23
local groups, 45
marriage system, 46
initiation ceremonies, 91
absence of bull-roarer, 92
Melville Island tribe, 200
totemic system, 200
Memory, remarkable, of native, 278
Men and women rubbing initiate's
head, etc., to release him from
ban of silence, 169
Menstrual flow, 326
Messengers, sending out of, 35
carrying stick to announce birth
of child, 329
Mia-mia, special one used during
the initiation ceremony, Mel-
ville Island, 100, 107
Mia-mias, making of, 28
Mikijeruma, 93 et seq.
Mikinyerti, 93 et seq.
Mikinyertinga, 93 et seq.
Mikul, 358
Millijen, 332
Mindirinni, 162
Miornai, 243
Miru, 367
Mitjupali, 358
Moaib or Moiabu, 148, 327
Moieties, names of, in Mungarai
tribe, 58
in Mara tribe, 60
in NuUakun tribe, 64
Mokornbo, light clouds, 321
Monuik, 162
Mopul, 170
Morlil ceremony, 242, 244
Morpiu, 291
Mosquitoes, protection against,
31
made and carried about by
UnguUa, 310
ceremony to drive away, 324
Mother-in-law, restrictions in regard
to, 324
Mother, restrictions in giving of
food to, by son, 347
Mourning ceremonies, types of,
22
Melville and Bathurst Islands,
230 et seq.
Kakadu tribe, 243, 244
eating cakes at, 245
third, Kakadu tribe, 247
Waduman tribe, 249
Mungarai tribe, 251
Mud, initiate daubing himself on
Melville Island, 94
women daubing themselves with,
308
Mudburra tribe, organisation, 55
totemic system, 199
Mugana or Mukana, 383
Mukinoborbu, Banyan bark string,
388
MuUinyu ceremony, Larakia tribe,
157
Mumanna, 176
Mumbarnba, 132
Mumburra, 394
Mumus, 172
Munduaii, 244
Mungai, 163
Mungaiini, 168, 208
Mungarai tribe, organisation, 58
initiation ceremony, 163 et seq.
totemic system, 205
division of totem groups amongst
sub-classes, 206
burial and mourning, 251
Mungarni, 135
Munjan jil, 359
Mupairma reiyi, 330
Mupungalu, ant hill, 261, 294
Muragugna, 369
MuraguU, 159
Muraian ceremony, Kakadu tribe,
20, 150
sacred objects, 184
INDEX
5"
Muraian ceremony, first finding of,
i8g
performance of ceremony, 1 86
list of sacred stones and sticks,
190
final initiation ceremony, Kakadu
tribe, 191
handing down of sacred objects,
192
sacred sticks and stones, de-
scription of, 219 et seg., 428
Muralla, 327
Murum budui, local centre, Kakadu
tribe, 282
Mus, 209
Musmus, 267
Mutilation of body, absence of
amongst certain tribes in con-
nection with initiation, 91
Myormu, a mischievous spirit,
Kakadu tribe, 316
Nadiriga, 167
Nadirri, 251
Naguruguruk, 165
Naialpur, 115
Namaragua, 166, 205
Namaran, a thunder man,
tradition of, 334
the thunder man and spirit chil-
dren, 267
Nambi, a shell, 294
Name secret, in Arunta tribe,
24
of men and women in Kakadu
tribe, 339
of special relatives of dead
person, Kakadu tribe, 246
Naming of children, 338
Nammurung, 160
Namungulara, 115
Namyuk, 162
Nanja, 265
Narul, 258
Natives, not immune from tropical
diseases, 30
Natural features, i
Navel string, cutting off, etc., 325
Necklet worn by initiates, Iwaidja
tribe, 117
Necklets worn during initiation
ceremony, Melville Island, 114
Net changing into Numereji snake,
303
Ngabadaua snake, ceremony of,
140
tradition of, 322
Ngagurnguruk, 214
Ngainman tribe, 195
Ngalu, 199
Ngauunduitj, 85, 115
Ngumulaua, 140
Ngurabik, 160
Nicknames, 340
Ningari, 83, 124, 127
Ningornu or Yungornu, 391
Nongara, a yam, 394
Norkun, women using, to hide
their faces, 286
Nose boring, 330
Noudbukara, 246
Nuborgo, 383
NuUakun tribe, organisation, 64
initiation ceremony, 169
totemic system, 208
Numalga or Numalka, 385
Numereji, a snake, traditions con-
cerning, 290
and the medicine man, 292, 295
in anthill, 295
men, tradition of two, 299
men changing into snakes, 302
man drawn into water, 304
of Geimbio and Kakadu tribes,
origin of, 305
causes swish of waves, 326
Iwaiyu of, forming rainbow,
326
catching spirit of child, 345
Numulaiju, 246
Numulakirri, 126
Numulana, 119
Nungorh, 359
Nunguluwara, 388
Nunkudumuramaran, 246
Ober ceremony, Kakadu tribe, 133
Olturuma, iii
Organisation, class, 12
tribes without class, 43
Orkbau, 198
Ornaments, 401 et seg.
left behind by medicine men
when visiting blood camp,
297
Oven, native earth, 27, 373
Padinia, 254
512
INDEX
Painting of girl by future husband,
327
Paloma, fat, from child's body, 294
Paper bark trees, 5
Paper bark, use of, 29, 309
Paraminni, no
Parla, 276
Peindi, earth oven, 27, 393
Pella Pella, 417
Penalties for eating restricted foods,
see the various accounts of
restrictions.
Periperiu, 367
Physical features of natives, 7
Piruakukka, 116
Port Essington or Iwaidja tribe,
totemic system, 201
Procreation, beliefs in regard to, 23,
25, 264
Property, ideas with regard to, 36
of dead person burnt, Kakadu
tribe, 243
descent of, in Waduman tribe,
250
Pubic tassels, 401
Pudaneru, 197
Pukui, 200
Purakakka, 141
Purification ceremony after burial,
Kakadu tribe, 242
Purnamunemo, 271
Quiaramba, 120
Rain, stopped by rainbow, 326
Rain-making, Kakadu tribe, 320
Rainbow, 326
Rainbow man, tradition of, 338
Ranken kobonja, 294
Ranken, used for clothing, 309
Rasp, 395
Reincarnation, beliefs in, 24, 265
theory in Kakadu tribe, 279
Relationship terms, Larakia tribe,
65
Worgait tribe, 67
Port Essington tribe, 69
Melville Island tribes, 71
Djauan tribe, 73
Mungarai tribe, 75
Nullakun tribe, 77
Kakadu tribe, 79
Waduman tribe, 81
Releasing initiate from ban of
silence, Mungarai tribe, 169
Removal of restrictions on food,
see the various accounts of
restrictions.
Restrictions, food for initiates,
Kakadu tribe, 126
removing in Kakadu tribe, after
Jamba ceremony, 132
removal of, after Ober ceremony,
144
on eating Nuperdaitba, a fish,
319
speaking, in Kakadu tribe, 324
on food, removed after menstrual
period, 328
on food, after nose boring, 330
on entering water at Crescent
Lagoon, 336
on eating the snake Kintjilbara,
and removal of the same, 347
Rock drawings, 432
shelters, 32
Roper river, bend in, made by
Gulmurlu, 336
Roth, Dr., beliefs of Queensland
natives, 23
Sacred ceremonial objects, 428
objects, Muraian ceremony,
152
sticks and stones, Muraian
ceremony, description of, 219
et seq.
Secret names, not existing in
Kakadu tribe, 340
Sex, alternation of, at successive re-
incarnations, Mungarai tribe,
267
Yungman tribe, 267
Nullakun tribe, 268
Mara tribe, 268
Shade, bush, during Ober cere-
mony, 135
or bough hut used during Kulori
ceremony, 148
Shed, bouT^h, over creek, made by
rain maker, 32 1
Shelters, bush or bark, 28, 138, 148
rock, 32, 432
Silence, ban of, releasing from in
Waduman tribe, 250
INDEX
S13
Singing, on Melville Island, 97
the shooting star, Melville Island,
106
the ceremonial ground, 140
Smelling food, by girl during
menstrual period, 327
Snake bite, ceremony to protect
against, Mungarai tribe, 168
ceremony, Kakadu tribe, 140
men eating natives, 302
Numereji, traditions concerning,
290
Numereji, cutting in half, 292
Numereji, brought into camp by
medicine men, 293
Numereji, in anthill, 295
Numereji, cutting end off, 295
Numereji, secured by medicine
man, 296
cooked and eaten by two
Numereji men, 300
Snakes, Kakadu method of killing,
28
Social organisation, general ac-
count, 12
Iwaidji tribe, 46
Kakadu tribe, 47
Warrai tribe, 53
Waduman tribe, 54
Mudburra tribe, 55
Maluuru tribe, 56
Djauan tribe, 56
Yungman tribe, 57
Mara tribe, 60
Nullakun tribe, 64
Speaking, restrictions on, in
Kakadu tribe, 324
Spear throwing, distances of, on
Melville Island, 365
Spears, given to initiate, 171
various types of, 356
decoration of, 425
Spindle, 396
Spirit, an evil, shooting star sup-
posed to be, 106
entering totemic animal or plant,
Kakadu tribe, 271
telling father totem of child, 272
leaving body of child,'326
mischievous, enticing a native
away, 316
Spirit children, behefs in regard to,
in Port Essington tribe, 266
Mungarai tribe, 266
Spirit children, Yungman tribe, 267
Nullakun tribe, 267
Mara tribe, 268
Waduman tribe, 268
Mudburra tribe, 268
Kakadu tribe, 270
Warramunga tribe, 24
knowing right mother to enter,
Waduman tribe, 269
entering its mother's totem, 269
carried by Imberombera, 276,
277
carried by Gulmurlu, 337
carried by Uruanda, 334
carried by Namaran, 335
carried by Kanjilara, 337
carried by Rainbow-man, 338
Spiritual continuity, Kakadu tribe,
274
Spitting yam out during Kulori
ceremony, 147
Spittle, women not allowed to see,
in Kakadu tribe, 132
Star, shooting, supposed to be an
evil spirit, 106
Status terms, Kakadu tribe, 83
Melville Island tribe, 84
Waduman tribe, 8;
Mudburra tribe, 85
Port Essington tribe, 85
Larakia tribe, 86
Worgait tribe, 86
Djauan tribe, 86
Nullakun tribe, 87
Mungarai tribe, 87
Lekerungen, Kakadu tribe, 152
Sticks given to woman when
enceinte, 329
yungornu, used in rain making,
321
Stone hatchets and knives, 352
special one used during initia-
tion ceremony, Kakadu tribe,
126
weapon, nature of, determined
primarily by the nature of the
material available, 353
Striking buttocks, Melville Island,
1 02
Stringy-bark, used for shelter, 96
Subincision, Mungarai tribe, 167
Taquoinga, 109
Temperature, 6
L L
514
INDEX
Terms, relationship, 65 et seq.
Status, 83 et seq.
Throwing boys in the air during
initiation ceremony, Melville
Island, no
sticks and clubs, 366
Thunder man, making holes in
rocks, 334
Tjaina, a special ceremonial
ground, 124, 135, 333
Tjalangi, a cake made of yam, 394
Tjangulumma, 165
Tjikalaualla, a local group on
Melville Island, 46
Tjilaiyu, 257
Tjon, 215
Tjubulinjuboulu, 329
Tjugeanandu, 205
Tjumaiin, 295
Tjungunni, 198
Tjunkuletti, 357
Tjutju, 197
Tongue, scraping boy's, during
initiation ceremony, Kakadu
tribe, 131
Totem, totemic systems and
totemic groups, general
account, 14, 178 et seq.
animal, eating, 21
groups, Melville Island, 46
sacred objects connected with,
152
name of, told to initiate, Mun-
garai tribe, 166
ceremonies, Nullakun tribe, 174,
176
groups, division of, between
moieties and sub-classes, 178
systems, five main types, 178
system, Kakadu tribe, 179
how name is acquired in
Kakadu tribe, 180
examples of names in Kakadu,
181
animals and plants, list of, in
Kakadu tribe, 182
groups, not regulating marriage,
in Kakadu tribe, 182
animal tabu to members of
group after death of totemite,
198
systems, modifications taking
place amongst northern
coastal tribes, 203
Totem groups, division of, amongst
subclasses in Mungarai tribe,
2o5
system, Mara tribe, 208
Nullakun tribe, 209
names, originally given to boys
in Mungarai tribe by Kuna-
pippi, 215
animal, ceremony with regard to
eating after death of individual
in Waduman and Mudburra
tribes, 250
design on log coffin, Mungarai
tribe, 252
Mara tribe, 255
groups in various tribes, 280
of children at certain local cen-
tres, Kakadu tribe, 282
accessory, 197
selection of, by spirit individual
in Kakadu tribe, 271
Tradition of Numereji, 290
Numereji and the medicine men,
292, 29s
two Numereji men, 299
Eribinjori, the crocodile, 305
UngTilla Robunbun, 308 •
Bubba Peibi, 313
Dododuriman, 315
mischievous spirit enticing a
native away, 316
a snake man named Gnabadaua,
322
Lubra sending the salt water
back, 323
Uruandu, a snake man, 333
Namaran, a thunder man, 334
Gulmurlu and his sons, 336
McDougall's Bluff, 337
Kulakueunguni, a rainbow man,
338.
Tree burial, Larakia tribe, 251
Tribal names, 44
Tribe, definition of, 34
distribution of, 6
Trumpets, 389
Tuan, 162
Tunima irruwinni ceremony, 99
Tunima ubabrulua ceremony, 103
Umoriu tribe, ancestors of, 277
Umulakirr' wilalu, 287
Unga, 204
UnguUa killing natives, 310
INDEX
515
Urarakamo, 208
Uriauer or waryanwer, 124
Uro-ammi, 133
Uruandu, a snake man, tradition
of> 333
Waduman tribe, Intichiuma cere-
mony, 20
organisation, 54
totemic systems, 194
burial ceremonies, 249
Wailar, 202
Wailba, 268
Wairbi, digging stick, 393
Wallangulin kakilil, 324
Wallunka, 357
Wand, carried by youths visiting
distant camps before initiation,
114
corrobboree, 396
Wandella, 167
Wangaratja, 116
Wanmaiia, 376
Warangin, 197
Warrai tribe, organisation, 53
totemic system, 192
Warramunga tribe, Intichiuma
ceremony, 19
reincarnation theory, 280
Warwiran, 166
Waryanwer or Uriauer, 124
Water ceremony during initiation
on Melville Island, 99
hole, burying foreskin beside,
Mungarai tribe, 168, NuUakun
tribe, 175
poured over girl's head at close
of first menstrual period, 327
supply of, kept by Namaran in a
rock at Crescent Lagoon, 336
Watjinyerti, 93 et seq.
Weapons, 352 et seq.
Whiskers, ceremony to increase
growth of, 99
and beards, plucking out, 108
put in pitchis with yams, 109
White-anthill, broken up, placed
on fire during yam ceremony,
Melville Island, 100
Wilalu gerewin, women's camp,
Unulakirri, men's camp, 287
manungel, blood camp, 292
mijela, sand camp, 303
Winbegi, burning of, 132
Winbegi armlets, worn by Kulori
men, 149
Wingorka, 320
Wives, allotment of, in Kakadu
tribe, 11, 47, 50
Woimya, 381
Wokungjari, 121
Women allowed to see and take
part in initiation ceremonies
on Melville Island, 91, 103, ill
hair decorated with wax, Melville
Island, 95
sitting on post, during initiation
ceremony, Iwaidji tribe, 115
not allowed to handle initiates'
food, Kakadu tribe, 126
initiates must not hear speak,
Kakadu tribe, 126
not allowed to see initiates'
mouths open, Kakadu tribe,
avoidance of, during ceremonies,
Kakadu tribe, 124, 126, 132 ;
Port Essington tribe, 121,
149; Larakia tribe, 156 ;
Worgait, 157
old, probably some knowledge of
secret matters, 140
crying over initiate, 172
dancing round Jappa during
initiation, NuUakun tribe, 173
taking initiate away, NuUakun
tribe, 173
personal belongings of, 24a
shown the lurkun or coffin,
Mungarai tribe, 252 ; Mara
tribe, 255
not allowed near hut of young
medicine man, Kakadu tribe,
299
restrictions on eating nuperdaitba,
a fish, 319
two Nareuma, tradition of, 322
sending salt-water back, 323
changing into and making rats,
324
restrictions on bathing, when
enceinte, 326
sticks given to, when enceinte,
328
spirit children entering at Cres-
cent Lagoon, 335 ; Kanbad,
336 ; Red Lily Lagoon, 338 ;
Uranua, 338
5i6
INDEX
Worgait tribe, initiation cere-
mony, 157 et seq.
totemic system, 204
Worlu, navel string, 325
Wristlets worn by young men
during Jamba ceremony, 132
during Kulori ceremony, 148
Wulgun, 333
WulwuUam tribe, totemic system,
199
Wune, 249
Wunga-dunga, bark baskets, 387
Wungaritja, 135
Wuraka, tradition of, Kakadu tribe,
275
Wurdu, 333
Yagadjun, 333
Yaiilla or Jailla, 397
Yalmuru, 24, 118, 270
spirit, watching over individual,
Kakadu tribe, 273
Yalmuru, rescuing a native from a
mischievous spirit, 317
Yam ceremony, Melville Island, 92
cooking, during initiation cere-
mony, Melville Island, loi
ceremony to increase growth of,
Melville Island, 103
cooking and skinning during
ceremony, 102
Kulori ceremony, Kakadu tribe,
146
chewing and spitting, during
Kulori ceremony, 147
Kulori cooking, Kakadu tribe,
147
kumali to medicine men, 297
Yardbi, 331
Yarrang, 160
Yibi, 332
Yungeba, 332
Yungman tribe, organisation, 57
totemic system, 207
R. CI.AY AND SONS, LTD., BRUNSWICK ST., STAMFORD ST. S.E. AND BUNGAV, SUFFOLK.
By Prof. BALDWIN SPENCER, C.M.G., F.R.S.,
and F. J. GILLEN.
The Northern Tribes of Centra! Australia
Illustrated. 8vo. 2Is. net.
NATURE. — "The photographs are excellent and numerous.
The new volume possesses the same unique character and value
which were conspicuous in The Native Tribes of Central
Australia."
ATHENjEUM.— "The merits of Messrs. Spencer and Gillen's
new book, as of their former work, Native Tribes of Central
Australia, cannot be exaggerated. . . . Invaluable and in-
dispensable contribution to the science of man."
DAILY NEWS. — "It is only necessary to state that the pre-
sent volume is a worthy supplement to the Native Tribes of
Central Australia, for everyone who has read the former book
will turn with eager expectation to the new work : that was
regarded by competent judges as the best book ever published
on a savage people; this in no wise falls short of it."
SPECT^TOi?.— "The whole book, though naturally it is not
for all readers, is, both for actual contents and for the wide
vistas of thought which it seems to open up, of the greatest
interest. The authors, who were content to give up a year
to studies which must have had a "seamy side,' deserve the
gratitude of all students of anthropology."
DAILY CHRONICLE.— "Their earlier book, immediately
upon its publication, was recognised as being of the greatest
value, and when it was known that these highly competent
ethnologists were starting upon another expedition great ex-
pectations were aroused, and now that the results of their
labours have been published, it is not too much to say that the
anticipations of students at home have been fully realised."
GLOBE. — "Messrs. Spencer and Gillen have secured in-
formation of real scientific value and of great general interest,
and have recorded the results of their observations in a second
work not inferior in utility to the first."
LONDON: MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD.
By Prof. BALDWIN SPENCER, C.M.G., F.R.S.,
and F. J. GILLEN.
ACROSS AUSTRALIA
Illustrated. 2 vols. 8vo. 2Is. net.
PALL MALL GAZETTE.— "We strongly hold that Pro-
fessor Spencer and Mr. Gillen have written a work which is a
classic of its kind, and will live to find a place beside the travel-
books of Darwin, Wallace, and Bates, and other great writers
who have pen-pictured the strange places and people of the
earth."
WESTMINSTER GAZETTE.— "In these two admirably
produced volumes we have one of the most interesting and best
equipped works of travel of our time."
DAILY NEWS. — "It gives, in a way no other men could,
a picture of savage life as it is lived by unspoiled savages —
savages untainted by white influence, untouched by English
customs, diseases, or drinks. . . . The method of the book and
its manner we can praise unreservedly."
OBSERVER. — "They have made this simple narrative
enthralling. Not only do they write clearly and well, but their
text is illustrated by hundreds of photographs, taken by them-
selves, which add unspeakably to the book's value by illustra-
ting with remarkable aptness the events described in the
narrative. "
WORLD. — "A most interesting description, not merely of
the least-known portion of the island-continent, but also of
some of the aboriginal tribes who are rapidly disappearing
before the advance of the white man and what we call civilisa-
tion. . . . Any notice of this work would be incomplete that
did not pay a tribute to the most interesting and comprehensive
collection of photographs taken by the travellers en route."
STANDARD. — "Across Australia has no mean value as a
contribution to our knowledge of tribal customs, while as a
narrative it possesses very great interest for the ordinary
reader."
-^ DAILY GRAPHIC. — " In these two volumes the authors have
set down in the form of a general narrative what they saw and
what they learnt, and the result is of the greatest interest as
well as of first-class importance."
LONDON: MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD.
Live Music
Archive
Librivox
Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland
Museum of Art
Internet
Arcade
Console Living Room
Open Library
American
Libraries
TV News
Understanding
9/11